My country "Tibet" a hell on Earth

Friday, July 30, 2010

Tibetan 'living Buddha' Phurbu Tsering Rinpoche jailed by China

Tibetan 'living Buddha' Phurbu Tsering Rinpoche jailed by China



China has sentenced a revered Tibetan living Buddha to eight-and-a-half years in jail on charges of illegally occupying government land and possession of weapons.

The court in the western town of Kangding handed down the conviction more than eight months after Phurbu Tsering Rinpoche’s trial. It marked the first time a Tibetan arrested after last year’s riots had been allowed to select his own defence lawyers.

He had faced a maximum of 15 years in prison on the two charges and it is possible that the presence of his lawyers persuaded the judges from imposing an even longer term. The judges may also have been wary of handing down a lengthier sentence for fear of renewed outbreaks of anti-Chinese unrest among supporters in the mainly ethnically Tibetan region that is his home. He commands thousands of disciples in Tibet as well as in other areas of China.

The court sentenced him to seven years in prison on the charge of illegally occupying government land and to an additional year for possession of bullets, Tibetan sources told The Times.

However, his lawyers could not be present for the sentencing since both men – prominent for their willingness to handle sensitive human rights cases — were disbarred earlier this year.

Phurbu Rinpoche, a tulku or reincarnation, had been enabled by his ability to speak Chinese to find legal help.

The monk was arrested on March 28 last year, four days after nuns from two religious houses over which he presides took to the streets in demonstrations shortly after deadly rioting erupted in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa.

A police search of the home of the living Buddha, who presides over several religious houses and runs an old people’s home, turned up an imitation pistol and 100 rounds of ammunition that police said could cause severe injury or even be fatal.

Local officials, unaware that his lawyers had a background in human rights, had told them when they arrived that the leaders had decided that the living Buddha must be jailed as an example to prevent other reincarnations from using their influence to stir up anti-Chinese unrest.

His family said that the court appeared to have failed on charges of possession of illegal weapons. One relative, who declined to be identified, said: “It seems they couldn’t make the charge about a gun stand up so they used the bullets. As for illegally occupying land, this land was given to the living Buddha himself to build an old people’s home so there is no question of it being illegal.”

At the time of his trial the court had made no attempt to investigate the weapons charges, his lawyer said. As for the illegal occupation of public land, his lawyer argued that the monk had spent 70,000 yuan (£7,000) of his money to buy the plot on which he built the old people’s home.

His lawyer had said: “The living room of such a venerated monk is a public place with people coming and going every day. Someone could have put the weapons there. His wife has said she had never seen them before when cleaning the house.”

Phurbu Rinpoche is the fifth incarnation of a revered Buddhist teacher, known by the title of Burongma. He was identified as a reincarnation when he was seven months old. Now 53, he did not formally become a monk until after the chaotic ultra-leftist Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976 when all Tibetan monasteries were closed. By the time he took religious orders he was already married with two sons.

西藏,无处不在的是恐惧

BBC中文网 - 7月29日

BBC北京记者: 顾求真


房顶上蹲着的中国士兵----持枪的狙击手

最近,“人权观察”组织的报告指责中国军警两年前曾毫无选择地向西藏示威人群开枪,中国当局酷刑折磨被捕藏人。北京否认上述指控。BBC记者顾求真获准在如影随形的护卫陪同下进入西藏报道。他发现,恐惧、担心渗透进各个层面。

最开始,你可能不会注意到房顶上蹲着的中国士兵----持枪的狙击手。眼前是成群的藏人,络绎不绝地来到他们心中最神圣的殿堂祈祷。

位于拉萨中心的大昭寺外,信徒排成长龙,缓缓地向前挪动。

人龙中,有上了年纪的藏族妇女。带着传统的念珠、项链,手中摇着法轮。来自山区的穷苦牧民,饱受寒冷的冬日、灼热的夏日煎熬,皮肤被晒得黝黑,脸上布满了皱纹。健硕的年轻人,留着长发,裹着藏袍。喇嘛身上披着酒红色的袈裟。

然后,你可能就会看到军人了。他们在屋顶上俯视朝拜的人群,持枪的身影映衬着高原的蓝天。警察手持望远镜扫描人群,高处的摄像机拍摄着一举一动。
拉萨市军警巡逻

在拉萨中心的大昭寺外有更多的警察

沿着大昭寺围墙绕过去,你会看到更多的警察。有些穿着制服,有些穿着便衣。坐在椅子上,抱着自动枪,监视着人群。

让人心惊肉跳的军人、警察无处不在,好像是为了故意显示自己的实力强大,让信徒想躲也躲不开。

就是在这里,在拉萨街巷崎岖的老城、石头建成的房屋之间,2008年的抗议示威演变成暴力冲突。藏人攻击汉人,放火焚烧他们的商店。大约有20人、其中大多数为汉人,被打死或者烧死。

部队进入拉萨。但是,抗议活动继续扩散,覆盖了西藏大片地区。
投资改善生活水平

此后,中国当局基本上对记者关闭了西藏。我们是获准进入西藏的为数不多的几个记者团之一。

我们一行大约三十人被带到西藏,目的是让我们亲眼看到中国注入大笔投资,发展和改变西藏。

中国当局表示,要努力改善藏民的生活水平。当局说,五十年前,中国把西藏从达赖喇嘛统治下的农奴制度中解放出来。中国希望藏民收入水平在十年之内赶上中国其他地区。
造价昂贵的藏京铁路

造价昂贵的藏京铁路,并不是所有藏人都欢迎。

我们被带去参观几个声名显赫的项目:造价昂贵的藏京铁路;包装雪山矿泉水的工厂;上海人捐建的一所学校;以及为藏族牧民、农民修建的新家。

在一所新居中,主人杜布杰(音译)指着一幅招贴画对我们说,“他们可是为西藏作了很多事”。招贴画上,是从毛泽东到胡锦涛的中国领导人以布达拉宫为背景的照片。布达拉宫曾经是达赖喇嘛的故居。

但是,当我们想方设法摆脱了当局派来的陪同之后,听到的是另外一个故事。
“我该说什么”

便衣警察随时随地跟踪我们。在小巷中,我们在夜幕的掩护下摆脱了陪同,但却看到更多的中国警察在黑暗中无声地等待着。我们摆脱他们的视线,赶快走了过去。

在匆匆忙忙的交谈中,藏人告诉我们,军警不停地骚扰他们。一个藏人说,铁路线把太多的汉人带入西藏。另外一个人神神秘秘地说,我告诉你一个秘密吧,“中国人统治着我们的土地,但我们藏人还是都相信达赖喇嘛”。说完这番话,他赶快就逃走了。另外一个人摇摇头说,“到处都是间谍,我可不敢谈论这样的话题”。

有一个藏人非常勇敢,愿意和我们公开交谈。

在被陪同带进大昭寺后,我们问他,暴乱之后,一群年轻的喇嘛罕见地当着一群外国记者的面抗议示威,高呼西藏没有自由,他们的近况如何呢?
喇嘛诺加

当喇嘛诺加强调他敬仰达赖喇嘛时,官方翻译却忽略诺加的话。

这个名叫诺加的喇嘛被带到我们面前,陪同的官员不停地告诉他该怎样回答我们的提问。有记者问诺加,你怎样看两年前的示威?坐在诺加身旁的官员说,“那样作不对”。诺加眼睛盯着地板,忠实地回答说,“那样作不对”。

记者又问,“你们高呼西藏没有自由,到底是什么意思”?很明显,诺加很害怕。他用藏语小心地问上司,“我该说什么”?

后来,当有记者问他,你是否敬仰达赖喇嘛?诺加的脸上露出笑容,他回答说,“当然了”。这个答案不在准备好的草稿当中,所以,官方翻译说,诺加说他不敬仰达赖喇嘛。但是,诺加补充说,“我没说我不敬仰赖喇嘛,我真的很敬仰达赖喇嘛”。翻译对他的补充忽略不计。

诺加的回答既勇敢、也很诚实。他是否因此受到了惩罚,我无从得知。
终身监禁的可能

但是,这可以说是一个例外。

所到之处,我们接触到西藏人,包括那些亲近当局的人,由于恐惧,都不敢直言。害怕间谍,害怕保安,害怕由于谈论暴乱、达赖喇嘛或是中国的西藏政策而受到控罪。

想一想,这样做可能意味着终身监禁,你可能就不吃惊了。

其实,中国官员看起来也很害怕。害怕我们和当地人交谈,害怕我们听到和官方版本不同的故事。官方说了,西藏人热爱共产党,热爱共产党给西藏带来的变化。害怕爆发新一轮的动乱,因此才安置了我前面提到的狙击手。

在高入云端的西藏高原,有明媚的蓝天映衬,西藏的表象之下,隐藏着不安、沉默与监控。恐惧渗透进方方面面。
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Monday, July 26, 2010

揭开达然萨拉 “西藏流亡政府 ” 辛密

发布者:中国论坛 - 7月24日
来源:中国论坛
作者: 主流,
2010-7-23

2010年3月8号至13号,我们受流亡印度的达赖流亡政府邀请,参加了“达然萨拉参访团”。从新德里到北部山区的达然萨拉(Dharmsala),每天只有一架20座的小飞机往返。多数团员都先飞到新德里,再
里,再坐12个小时的公共汽车到达然萨拉汇合。西藏流亡政府“外交部”派出专车,负责接送到旅馆。

各团员的车旅费自理,西藏流亡政府只提供当地住宿和交通,大家被安排在一个叫做“绿色宾馆(Green Hotel)”的简陋旅馆,离达赖住的大昭寺很近。每天由流亡政府“外交部”出车,两个藏族女翻译映真(汉语)及嘎拉(英语)带队,安排活动。

达然萨拉(印度语意为“休息室”)是印度北部喜马偕尔邦山区的一个小镇,散布在印度北部一座小山腰部和顶部,缠绕在几处狭窄山路旁边。

1959年,西藏发生叛乱后,达赖带领8万跟随他的藏民仓惶出逃到印度,被印度政府安置在北部这个山区小镇。经过40多年的繁衍,加上陆续出逃的少数藏民,目前流亡海外的藏人共约13万人,其中在印度有10万人,其余的3万多人主要分布在尼泊尔、不丹、欧洲和美洲等地。现在,约有1万流亡藏人住在这里。

达然萨拉:古老与现代混淆的奇特风景

目前,小镇仍是贫困落后、穷乡僻壤,道路崎岖,基础建设破烂不堪。当地普通人的平均收入月薪只有2000印度卢比(约300人民币,这只相当于西藏平均收入的三分之一)。镇上有6000多藏人和达赖的流亡政府,另外还有4000多国际藏族村(西方救助)的中小学生,以及藏族难民的成人学校。这里还住着很多当地印度人,但印度人比藏人更贫困、肮脏。

弯曲的山路边到处是印度人摆的摊点,卖些中国制造、辗转贩运来的廉价哈达,当地产的工艺品及水果蔬菜。残破简陋的小镇建筑物中,隐约其间几座高大的藏传佛教寺庙。拥挤的山路上,到处遛达的牛驴,与肮脏的乞丐,穿着红色袈裟的和尚,还有很多西方来的“义工”和访问者,形成古老与现代混淆错乱的奇特风景。

我们在达然萨拉期间,参观了藏人国际学校和儿童村,接受“西藏受政治迫害者协会”的晚宴;参加了3.10西藏起义51周年法会;参观大昭寺、会见达赖喇嘛;参加“西藏殉国者”纪念碑(中文名称就显露“藏独”心态),和西藏纪念馆揭幕;参观西藏佛学院,会见大宝法王;参观藏传手工艺作坊,藏医藏药工厂等(照片附后)。

3月10日,在大昭寺广场“纪念西藏起义51周年”法会上,我们被安排在主席台左侧最显眼的位置。达赖演讲时,当着数千外国宾客和记者,邀请大家集体站立接受鼓掌。达赖数度赞扬这帮来访的“中国人”:代表中国未来,“维系西藏前途”。法会结束时,达赖不顾保安阻拦,转身走进我们中间,与所有人一一握手、合手致谢。现场所有藏人一齐起立,热烈欢呼,一些藏人更是泪水盈眶。


会见达赖:交流大藏区与藏人自治

达赖住在座落在一个小山头上的“大昭寺”内,寺内戒备森严,外有荷枪持弹的印度士兵,内有流亡政府“安全部”人员。晋见达赖者被层层把关、安检搜身;不准带相机、钥匙、钢笔等任何“危险器物”。

3月10日下午,访问团在接见室外等了两个小时,才等到达赖的会见。陪同会见的还有流亡政府总理桑东仁波切,达赖办公室主任阿旺等人。

与达赖交流对话时,多数人只说些赞美之词,客气之话。轮到我发言,我提出几个问题:
首先,西藏问题国际化,是否有利于汉藏互信?及双方通过真诚谈判,切实解决问题?
第二,流亡政府要求把四川、青海、贵州、甘肃、云南、新疆等地一部分,也划入“大藏区”,您是否知道绝大多数汉人老百姓无法接受?
第三、既然您提倡中庸之道,要求尊重600万藏人的人权,难道13亿汉人的人权就不值得尊重?
第四、您提出除了国防和外交,其他权力都属于藏人的“高度自治”。现在的藏人实际上就在闹独立,如果藏人拥有了财力人力的绝对控制权,如何保证西藏不会独立出去?

他的汉语翻译,以“时间不够”为由想打断发言,并建议“以英语发言”。这被达赖发言阻止。达赖坚持要回答这些问题,他共花了半个小时作出解释。

达赖说:不是我要搞大藏区,是CCP(中共)要搞大藏区;不是我们要搞“西藏问题国际化”,是CCP要搞国际化。中国外交部每天在国际场合批评我,国际上当然要评论是非,这是谁在搞国际化?达赖说:我们承认,中国给了西藏很多援助,但只给现在的西藏自治区,自治区外的青海、四川、甘肃、新疆、云南、贵州,还有四百万藏民,得不到公平照顾,成为二等、甚至三等公民。

达赖说:实际上,这里的藏族精英都是现行自治区以外来的,包括我自己,是青海来的,他(达赖指着办公室主任)是四川来的,达然萨拉的多数人都来自西藏之外。说大藏区占了中国的四分之一的土地,可是这些土地还是呆在中国之内,属于中华人民共和国。我们说高度自治,主要是经济、文化和宗教,不是外交或军事。我本人将来不会担任政府要职。所有的藏人在呆一起,有什么不好呢?

达赖接着说:我告诉你一个内部消息,最近中国国务院召开的“西藏工作会议”,已经按照我们的提议,把西藏以外藏区的“经济发展”也规划在内,这不就是大藏区吗?这是个好消息。有利于将来统一和藏人自治。

达赖说:接着说下一个问题,除了国防和外交归中央,其他经济、文化、宗教、司法、行政都归藏人,也不是绝对的。比如教育,藏区要普及义务教育,我们没有足够的老师,就要从中国要,从内地要,这都可以谈嘛!提出条件不是最后底线,双方可以协商。


会见大宝法王“噶玛巴”

3月12日我们会见了,前几年逃出中国的第三号西藏宗教领袖“大宝法王”阿玛巴。他就住在达然萨拉的“佛学院”内的法王寺。这个学院培养从1到18年级所有佛学班,直到获得最高的“格西”,成为可以传教的活佛。目前,全院约有2000多名男女佛学徒。

通过层层严密的保安和搜身检查、“抵押”了来访者的护照后,终于见到这个年轻的法王(见照片)。他现年23岁,高大微胖。除了进修佛法外,他还在学英语、日文、法文和拉丁四门外语;能说台湾口音的流利汉语。

阿玛巴说话直率,口无遮拦。当有人问他对西藏前途看法时,他说:“我们没有能力治理西藏,将来可能要靠周边国家帮助治理”。有人问:你与达赖喇嘛有什么不同?他说:我们在达赖喇嘛的领导下,共同为藏人祈福。达赖喇嘛需要领导整个西藏,我则专心藏传佛教。希望将来在西藏问题获得满意解决后,我能回到中国内地传教。

在访问“阿玛巴”时,也遇到几位从中国内地来朝见的汉人,他们拿着信徒名单跪拜大宝法王,并捐出随身所有财物(几百美元),使这位年轻活佛,感动不已。据流亡政府的人说,达赖圆寂后,新转世灵童的培养至少需要十多年,这期间藏人面临一个权力空窗,也许大宝法王可以接替达赖权力,现在大宝法王就是达赖培养的接班人。

在会见达赖和阿玛巴后,我们与流亡政府总理桑东仁波切和议长边巴次仁,用英语交流(二人似乎不懂汉语)。我提出更尖锐和具体的“大藏区”问题:流亡政府要求停止汉人移居藏区,你们是否知道这在世界上都违反基本人权?你们是否知道在“大藏区”内,还有汉族2000多万人。例如青海省,因为是达赖出生地就要划为大藏区,但那里藏人只有100万,汉人却有300万。凭什么400万藏人要统治多倍汉人呢?如果汉人也要自治或独立,那该怎么办?

总理和议长以流利英语罗列出一大堆理由,大意是说:按照国际法规,大藏区内汉族占多数的地区,汉人也可以自治。郭岩华接着问:“大藏区”数千年来,都是汉藏回羌各族,混居互婚,安居乐业。现在,往往城镇内多是汉族,乡镇以下多是藏族,犬牙交错,怎么可能划分清楚或“各族自治”?因为土地、人口、资源各种权益争执起来,岂不又成了另一个巴尔干式“火药桶”?众人哑口无言。

免费学校:藏人偷渡来此的主因

前些年,从西藏偷渡来印度和尼伯儿的藏人,每年都有4-5千人,也有的藏人把孩子留在国际儿童村或学校,就回西藏工作或经商去了。导游介绍:从西藏或其他省份的藏区逃到尼伯尔再辗转到印度,要走上20天至一个月,很多藏民夜行昼伏,一路要饭乞讨,翻过大雪山和国界时,很多人冻饿而死。更多的人被警察抓住,坐一阵牢后,被遣送回老家。

一个刚从西藏逃来的藏民说:这里管吃管住,学费全免,每月发给零用钱,谁听说了不跑来呢? 其实,这类由西方国家捐助及监管的“免费学校”,正是藏人偷渡来此的主要原因。目前,这些儿童村和成人学校主要教授英语、藏文和印度文,还有藏族手工艺、技工、电脑等工作培训。虽然流亡政府议会通过法案,在小学四年级以上也教汉语,但因“没有汉族老师”(这个借口显然太过牵强),至今没有实施。

但是,自2008年西藏发生暴乱后,从中国来这里的藏人越来越少,目前每年只有几百人。流亡政府的人说有几个原因:一是,边境管理更严格了;二是,西藏也实行“免费教育和医疗”;三是,中国政府不再允许公务员的孩子来这里受教育,否则开除公职。流亡政府的人哀叹道:还是达赖喇嘛有先见之明,当初我们在全球掀起抗议中国高潮时(也引起华人强烈反弹),他就忧虑说:这样的对抗对我们可能不利......

随着中国的持续繁荣,西藏流亡政府搞的“国际化”,除了赚些口水外,结果很可能只是一场颗粒无收的无奈和尴尬。

西藏前途:应由当地中国人自己决定

目前,生活在这里的藏人并不比内地幸福,他们即使出生在印度,也永远都是难民,无法获得印度的身份或护照,更不能随便出国。即使流亡政府内部官员,也受印度政府严密监视,常与中国内地联系者就会被怀疑。现在,甚至连二号宗教领袖阿玛巴,印度都不信任,连出国访问都不被准许。

近年来,中国政府已采取务实做法:只要没有刑事罚罪记录,流亡藏人都可以申请“中国旅行证”,自由回国探亲访友,做生意。很多藏人现在就往来于中印各地,靠从西藏及内地采购商品,在这里贩卖赚钱致富。

随着中国经济高速发展,现在不仅印度各地,连这个小镇上到处都是中国生产的衣服、玩具和电器等产品。正如达赖所说:我们的宗教是印度学来的,我们的饮食是从中国学来的。藏人在印度到处开设的“藏餐馆”,实际上就是“口味差点”的传统中餐。某种意义上说,藏族商人正成为一种润滑剂,促进着中印贸易发展。

从中国的长远利益看,中国应加快西藏经济和社会建设,特别是那些落后农牧区,实现公路水电“村村通”;实施完全免费的“汉藏双语”义务教育,并把义务教育逐渐提高到12年;促进民族融合,配合全面社会福利,实施免费“成人教育”,对那些贫困的农牧民进行双语和技术培训;收留那些失业和无业游民,管吃管住,发零用钱,并进行针对性的职业培训,直到他们找到工作。

维护西藏稳定同时,全力促进西藏经济发展,从根本上消除藏人偷渡境外的“经济动因”。随着西藏越来越繁荣发达,时间将站在绝大多数当地中国人一边;而西藏的前途,也只能由当地的中国人自己决定

Saturday, July 17, 2010

China and Starvation

Choni Tsultrim Gyatso

7/16/2010

Starvation in Chinese prisons is a way of torture and it has been brutally practicing on prisoners and specially Political prisoners.

This week, the Falun Dafa Information Center reported that wardens at Heilongjiang’s Daqing prison are preventing sixty-five Falun Gong practitioners detained there from eating. Falun Gong practitioners are not allowed to enter the dining hall or receive food from others—and they’re using this as a form of torture. More than three thousand Falun Gong practitioners have been killed since China crackdown on the spiritual practice but 400 of them were starved in prisons.

another fact is that About 20 million people are facing starvation in China because of droughts and floods across the country this year, China Daily reported today.
Another 80 million people in rural areas of at least 10 provinces are threatened with food shortages this winter because of the impact of the natural disasters on grain crops.

Over the last nine months, China has been hit with a wave of unusually severe natural disasters, including prolonged freezing temperatures in eastern and central China, extensive drought during the summer in several central provinces and widespread flooding of the Yangtze River.
More than 200 million rural residents were affected by these disasters, this information clearly posted on China Daily News.

Altogether, about 114 million acres of agricultural land were damaged by the disasters; Government officials now say that this year's grain production will be lower than last year's. That means starvation rate is going to go sky rock later this year.

In case of Karma Samdrup China's goal is so clear that they wanted to get rid of him. So who cares to feed him and lost weight in prison

I really believe that Karma's small and skinny health condition now is on the way to starvation

Thursday, July 15, 2010

Teaching Tibetan in Tibet: Bilingual Education is Survival

Author: Åshild Kolås

Models of Sovereignty and Survival In Alaska


The “Tibet Question” has become one of the focal points of disagreements between China and the international community, and the survival of Tibetan culture and language is one of the key topics of the debate. While both the Chinese authorities and exiled Tibetans have linked their political agendas to the question of protecting “cultural rights” in Tibet, these are also contentious issues within China.
The role of so-called “bilingual” teaching in schools for Tibetan children is one of the issues that are being debated by educators and bureaucrats in the People’s Republic of China. Current government policies give top priority to speeding up economic development in western China, including the Tibetan areas. Improving the quality of education is seen as one of several possible strategies toward reaching this goal. Within this context, officials in charge of education accept that Tibetan medium teaching may be necessary to help Tibetan students achieve better results. But education departments have limited resources, and the teaching of Tibetan as a second language represents an additional expenditure they may be unwilling or unable to cover.
Critics, including mainly Tibetan educators, administrators, and other cadres, agree that there is an urgent need to improve the quality of education in Tibetan areas. In addition, many argue that Tibetan language needs to be taught in schools as a means to preserve Tibetan culture. In their view, the Chinese education system currently contributes to the assimilation of Tibetans into the Chinese mainstream. Among the Tibetan critics who hold this view, Tenzin*, from Kham (eastern Tibet), insists that “more than anywhere else in society, the school is where a Tibetan child learns to become Chinese.”
On the other hand, even critics admit that it is vital to raise the education level of Tibetans and other minorities for them to be able to participate in the economic development of their regions. Both Tibetan and Han Chinese educators have argued that the added workload of learning two languages is a significant obstacle, making it difficult for Tibetan children in bilingual schools to compete for admission to higher education. Political concerns have guided the development of bilingual education in Tibetan areas of China, and numerous challenges confront Tibetan school children, their parents, and teachers.
Government Policies
Soon after the founding of Communist China in 1949, a number of public schools were set up in Tibetan areas, as well as in other areas inhabited by “minority nationalities.” Education was important to the new regime, to consolidate their control of the border areas and “civilize” the people living in China’s “frontier” regions. In the mid-1950s, newly established education departments in Tibetan areas issued their first guidelines on “bilingual education.” The use of Tibetan as the primary language of schools for Tibetans was the only feasible strategy at the time, since few people in these areas could understand Chinese.
In 1958 the process of developing bilingual education was interrupted by the Democratic Reforms campaign, which was followed by a series of radical political campaigns, including the devastating Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Bilingual teaching was discontinued for about 20 years, and as a consequence, an entire generation of Tibetans failed to learn to read and write their Native language. When the development of bilingual education for “minority nationalities” was back on the agenda in the late 1970s, one of the difficulties was finding teachers who were able to teach Tibetan.
By the early 1980s, officials in the local government education departments were discussing how to develop educational programs suited to the “special characteristics of the nationalities.” Minority language education became the main focus of these discussions, and the initial trend was to support the use of minority languages in schools, to educate children in their Native language. Tibetan educators from the five provinces and regions that encompass “Tibetan” areas (Tibet Autonomous Region, Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan) started cooperating to compile a series of textbooks to be used in all bilingual schools for Tibetan children.
During this period, a number of trial projects were carried out to test the benefits of Tibetan medium teaching in schools for Tibetans. (Bass) These projects generally received glowing reports, and new policies were subsequently drawn up to increase Tibetan medium teaching. In 1987 the People’s Congress of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) passed a resolution stipulating that by 1993, all junior middle schools were to teach in Tibetan, and by 1997, most subjects in senior middle schools were also to be taught in Tibetan.
In the 1990s the situation changed again, however, and bilingual education met with increasing disapproval. As a result of this backlash, the policies that were introduced in 1987 could not be implemented. Moreover, in 1997 a deputy secretary of the TAR Communist Party announced the reversal of the 1987 resolution. At the same time new policies were introduced, this time to increase the teaching of Chinese to Tibetan children starting at the first grade of primary school. (Bass) Considering the substantial evidence from educators in support of Tibetan medium teaching, what were the grounds for these policy reversals?
The Political Dimension
Decisions concerning Tibetan language instruction in schools are not just a question of what benefits students. In China, education is directed toward disseminating the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party. The standard curriculum in Chinese schools thus emphasizes lessons in patriotism and nationalistic sentiments, and patriotic education in one form or another constitutes a significant part of the curriculum along with politics, morals, and other subjects. Accordingly, the primary and middle-school curriculum includes lessons such as Marxist-Leninist ideology, the thoughts of Mao, respect for the revolutionary heroes, and love of the Chinese Communist Party.
The aim of “nationality education” is still described by education officials in Tibetan areas as “keeping up socialism.” One of the primary goals of education in Tibetan and other minority areas is to strengthen the “unity of the nationalities” and make minority children patriotic members of the Chinese “Motherland.” (Hansen) While actively promoting patriotism, textbooks also disseminate the notion that minorities are inferior and backward compared to the Han Chinese. Moreover, non-Han students frequently learn that their language, history, religion, and customs are considered useless or insignificant in the Chinese school system. (Hansen) Dorje, a teacher in a “nationalities middle school,” explains why Tibetan students at his school learn so little about their own language and culture:
“Tibetan is not taught at our school, although many of the Tibetan students are very interested in learning to read and write Tibetan, and would also like to learn about their culture and traditions. The guidelines of the provincial education authorities even say that we should publish our own textbooks on local history and culture, but in fact this has not been done. This is because both the students themselves and their teachers emphasize the kind of knowledge that students need for passing the standard national and provincial exams.”
Contrary to the rest of the curriculum, the Tibetan textbooks teach Tibetan students to value their own traditions. In addition, the trans-provincial scope of the Tibetan curriculum, with its emphasis on the unity of “plateau culture,” provides an important way to breach the provincial political boundaries that currently separate the Tibetan population into different administrative units. (Upton) In other words, the curriculum creates a space for the construction of a Tibetan identity that encompasses all Tibetan areas, and plays an important role in the reconstruction of Tibetan culture. For these reasons, some government officials and cadres regard Tibetan language education as a potential source of “local nationalism” and a threat to stability. These officials want to limit Tibetan medium teaching to a minimum, and disapprove of teaching Tibetan as a second language.
Market Forces
In addition to a more constrained political climate in recent years, economic reforms have also weakened the role of Tibetan language education in several ways. New policies introduced in 1985 gave local governments the final responsibility for funding their own primary and secondary education. The poorer counties, many of them located in minority areas, are unable to provide adequate funds for education. Although the Chinese government has adopted a nationwide policy of compulsory nine-year education, in some Tibetan areas local education authorities are struggling to make even a basic three-year education available to all children. Under these conditions, the provision of bilingual education inevitably becomes a second priority.
Market reforms not only influence the decisions made by local government officials, who have the choice between allocating funds for standard Chinese language education and bilingual education, but also the choices made by parents and students. Until 1998, middle school graduates were granted a stable job in a work unit through the so-called “job assignment” system. After this system was cancelled, the job market became increasingly competitive. Consequently, market forces became much more important for people’s choice of education. In this situation, many Tibetans feel that the advantages of learning Tibetan are few, while a good knowledge of Chinese is increasingly necessary for finding a job.
During the past decade, the expenses of schooling have increasingly been levied on parents, who have experienced a dramatic increase in the cost of educating their children. In rural areas, many parents now find it difficult to afford the expenses of schooling, which include the cost of textbooks and miscellaneous fees in primary schools, as well as tuition fees and boarding expenses in middle schools and colleges. Dolma, a college graduate from a family of farmers, describes the difficulties she and her parents experienced:
“During my three years of college, my family had to pay more than 6,500 RMB [about US$790] a year, in tuition, textbooks, boarding, and other expenses. This was a big expense, since my whole family only earns about 7,800 RMB [about US$950] a year. After my first year of college the job assignment system was brought to an end. Now I’m unemployed. I don’t have any relatives working for the government, so I don’t know how I’ll manage to find a job. It’s very difficult these days.”
In herding areas and remote villages, boarding may be necessary even in primary school. In these areas, many families cannot afford to even send their children to school. In some cases the official enrollment figures are as low as 28 percent, even for the primary school level. High dropout rates are also a problem. According to a source working in the Qinghai Province government, during the late 1990s approximately 30 percent to 50 percent of the pupils in Qinghai’s bilingual schools failed to complete a six-year education.
Tibetan medium schools are mainly located in rural areas where there are no Chinese-speaking inhabitants. While some of these areas lack schools altogether, others have scarce resources and teachers themselves are more or less uneducated. Schools in herding areas often have only one teacher, who may not be qualified, and usually offer only three to four years of basic education. In such schools the pupils at all levels are taught together in one class. Facilities are poor, often lacking desks, benches, and sometimes even a schoolhouse. Tibetan medium teaching under such conditions is not necessarily an explicit educational strategy, but may rather be a consequence of the incompetence of the local teachers in Chinese, lack of resources, and a general lack of attention to education. Although Chinese is one of the main subjects in the primary school curriculum, in some schools the children may not be able to learn Chinese at all. These children are seriously disadvantaged, and in most cases they will be unable to continue their education above the elementary level. Tenzin, a young man in his twenties, started his education in a small village school where Tibetan was the only subject taught on a regular basis:
“When I wasn’t herding or doing chores, I went to the village school, where we learned the Tibetan alphabet. Sometimes we also learned some Chinese, by singing patriotic songs such as “The East is Red.” One of the teachers knew a little Chinese, but we never learned to read or write.”
The pupils in this school were between seven and 16 years old, and were divided into two classes—a junior class and a senior class. Most of these pupils never received any further schooling, but Tenzin’s parents could afford to give him a better education:
“I was 13 years old when I moved in with relatives in the city, to go to school there. When I arrived I couldn’t speak a word of Chinese, but I had to attend a primary school where all the subjects were taught in Chinese. The first two years I had a very difficult time understanding what the teachers were saying, and I failed the exams in Chinese.”
Whereas the quality and cost of education may be the main causes of low attendance rates, a contributing factor is that the standard curriculum in Chinese schools is largely irrelevant for life in the Tibetan countryside. In rural areas few jobs require schooling. Because the boarding system separates children from their families for long periods, it becomes difficult for parents to pass on important knowledge and teach their children the skills necessary to continue a life of farming and herding. As a result, many parents in rural areas prefer to keep their children at home. Most parents, however, want to give their children the opportunity to go to school. When adequate schooling is unavailable where they live, some parents make the difficult decision to send their children to schools for Tibetan refugees set up in India by the Tibetan government-in-exile. Every year an average of 3,000 Tibetans trek for weeks across the borders to Nepal and India, risking their lives on the high passes of the Himalayas. According to the International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, nearly one-third of these people are children. These figures indicate just how serious the lack of adequate and affordable schooling has become in Tibetan areas of China.
Challenges of Bilingual Schools
A core problem for Tibetan educators concerns the balance between Tibetan and Chinese in bilingual schools, and the question of which language to use as the medium of teaching. Many educators argue that Tibetan students who are taught in their Native language achieve better results than those who are taught in Chinese. On the other hand, some emphasize the problems these students face when continuing their studies in Chinese, and in exams where they compete with native Chinese-speakers. In many Tibetan areas, primary schools may be taught in Tibetan whereas middle schools are all Chinese medium. This shift in the medium of instruction creates difficulties for Tibetan students which native Chinese-speaking students do not experience. Since most higher education is currently offered in Chinese only, Tibetan students who wish to attend a college or university must sooner or later learn Chinese.
Chinese government education authorities have recognized that language is one of the main challenges for minority education. The national entrance exam for universities has thus been made available in several minority languages, including Tibetan. A number of vocational schools, colleges, and universities also offer one- or two-year preparatory courses for minority students. Preferential policies have been introduced to give minority students easier access to higher education through a system of quotas and differences in the scores required to be admitted. What the government policies fail to address is the problems experienced by minority children in primary and middle school, when they are introduced to new subjects in an unfamiliar language.
Tibetan students in bilingual schools face other challenges as well. They are required to study two very different languages, using two completely different scripts. For many students, the written Tibetan they learn in school is quite different from their Native spoken dialect. The rest of the curriculum has the same content as in ordinary schools, and the students follow the same schedule; because exams are standardized the curriculum must also be standardized. But without adding hours to the school day, the bilingual schools add a second language to the curriculum, putting an additional workload on Tibetan students and making it even more difficult for them to compete. Most Tibetan children have no opportunity to choose their medium of instruction in school, but in some areas a system of two parallel streams has been introduced—a Chinese medium and a Tibetan medium. This system enables many students to continue their education in Tibetan medium from the primary level all the way to university level. Despite the obvious advantages of being able to learn their own language, a significant problem for students who choose the Tibetan stream is the limited options available for them after graduating from middle school. In Yunnan Province, for instance, graduates from the Tibetan Middle School in Diqing are seriously disadvantaged. Dorje, who teaches middle school in Diqing, describes their situation:
“Their choices are very few. If they want to go to college or university, these students have to study in the Tibet Autonomous Region. Every year the Tibet University admits a certain number of students from the Tibetan Middle School, but the number varies. Some years it may be 10 or 20 students, and some years none at all.”
In the Chinese stream of the “nationalities institute” or “nationalities university,” students can study a range of subjects, including management, computer science, and law, whereas the Tibetan stream generally teaches only language and math. In addition, a wide range of college and university courses are taught only in Chinese, including subjects such as forestry, engineering, agriculture, and veterinary studies. Another problem is that the choice of Tibetan as a second language excludes Tibetan stream students from taking English classes when they are available. English is increasingly important for university studies and in the tourism sector. University entrance exams also demand a basic knowledge of English, and while many Chinese medium middle schools now include English on the curriculum, Tibetan medium students must often choose between Tibetan and English classes.
The Solutions
As many educators have recognized, Tibetan students are better off being taught in their Native language, at least during their first years of schooling. In order to prevent some of the problems these students now face when continuing their education, it is important to extend Tibetan medium teaching to higher levels of education, as well as to expand the use of Tibetan to a greater variety of subjects and fields of study. In addition to Tibetan and Chinese, English should also be included in a Tibetan medium education. However, this approach is only feasible if adequate funds are made available to educate teachers for bilingual schools and to improve educational facilities in general. In addition, bilingual schooling would have to be made as affordable—preferably more affordable—as any other option.
Lack of funding is the major obstacle for the development of bilingual schooling in Tibet. But in recent years international non-governmental organizations have made significant contributions to Tibetan language teaching in several Tibetan areas, particularly outside the TAR. These organizations have provided financial aid specifically for bilingual schools, and have established scholarships to sponsor students from poor families.


References & further reading


Bass, C. (1998). Education in Tibet. Policy and Practice Since 1950. London: Tibet Information Network & Zed Books.
Dwyer, A. (1998). The Texture of Tongues: Language and Power in China. In Nationalism and Ethnoregional Identities in China. Safran, W., Ed. Boulder, Colorado: University of Colorado Press.
Hansen, M.H. (1999). Lessons in Being Chinese. Minority Education and Ethnic Identity in Southwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Harrell, S., Ed. (1995). Cultural encounters on China’s Ethnic Frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Upton, J. (1996). Home on the Grasslands? Tradition, Modernity, and the Negotiation of Identity by Tibetan Intellectuals in the PRC. In Negotiating Ethnicities in China and Taiwan. Brown, M. J., Ed., Berkeley, California: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California. Pp 98-124.
Upton, J. (1999). Schooling Shar-Khog: Time, Space and the Place of Pedagogy in the Making of the Tibetan Modern. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Washington.

CHINA MUST HALT PERSECUTION OF AWARD-WINNING TIBETAN ENVIRONMENTALIST FAMILY

8 July 2010

Amnesty International is calling for the release of three award-winning Tibetan environmental activist brothers, two of whom were recently given lengthy prison sentences within a week of each other.

Karma Samdrup, named ‘philanthropist of the year’ in 2006 by China’s state broadcaster CCTV for his work on river preservation, was sentenced last week to 15 years for ‘inciting the stealing of cultural relics’ from tombsites, a charge that had been dropped in 1998.

He has made detailed allegations of torture in detention to extract a forced confession. When he appeared in court in June, he had lost so much weight in six months that his wife could barely recognise him.

Karma Samdrup’s arrest took place in January after he lobbied for the release of his two detained brothers Rinchen Samdrup and Chime Namgyal. The pair were arrested in August 2009 after their award-winning anti-poaching and reforestation NGO threatened to uncover corrupt officials illegally hunting endangered wildlife.

Rinchen was sentenced on Saturday to five years after a cursory trial for ‘inciting splittism’, having been in detention without trial for almost a year. The key piece of evidence was an article mentioning the Dalai Lama that he insisted someone else had posted on his website.

The trials of the two brothers have been grossly unfair. Their lawyers have been repeatedly denied access to their clients and to key evidence.

Chime is already serving 21 months of ‘Re-education Through Labour’ imposed without charge or trial, on allegations of ‘harming social stability’ by illegally collecting local information about the environment and religion, and organizing ‘irregular petitioning’ by local residents.

Rinchen and Chime’s NGO had received wide praise in Chinese state media, as well as support from the Ford motor company and from actor Jet Li’s One Foundation.

“Rinchen’s activism has been celebrated by state newspapers, citing local Communist Party officials, while he was actually in detention,” said Catherine Baber, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for the Asia-Pacific.

“The targeting of this apolitical family sends worrying signals that the authorities are engaged in an ever-widening crackdown. Such prosecutions could also threaten the growing environmental activism that the country so desperately needs.”

The brothers’ extended family is also being targeted by authorities. A cousin, Sonam Choephel, is serving one and a half years of `Re-education Through Labour` after organizing a group to petition in Beijing for justice for Rinchen Samdrup.

Another cousin, Rinchen Dorje, who had acted as an interpreter for Karma Samdrup, was arrested in March and his whereabouts are currently unknown.
The International Campaign for Tibet has stated that Karma Samdrup’s mother, in her 70s, was beaten unconscious by police under the authority of a Communist Party official, and that 20 villagers from the brothers’ home area were detained, interrogated and tortured after further petitioning in Beijing.

Cultural and intellectual leaders in the Tibetan community have been increasingly targeted by Chinese security forces since the 2008 protests and unrest in the Tibet Autonomous Region, and in other Tibetan areas of China.

Wednesday, July 14, 2010

Tibetans' mother tongue faces tide of Chinese

July 14 2010


SHIGATSE, TIBET - Teenager Dawa Dhondup is Tibetan and lives in Tibet, but says that if his friends and classmates can't master Mandarin Chinese, they have little hope of a professional future.

"I want to be a lawyer, and for me Chinese plays a very important role both in my life and my study Dawa Dhondup, 16, told Reuters during a government-organized visit for foreign media to Tibet.

"If someone can't speak Chinese then they might as well be mute," added the student at the Shigatse Shanghai Experimental School, built with aid from the Shanghai government in a run-down monastery town several hours drive from Tibetan capital Lhasa.

is an official language in Tibet and parts of China where Tibetans have traditionally been the main ethnic group, in what the government calls "autonomous" regions and areas.

Yet Beijing has for decades promoted "Putonghua," or standard Mandarin Chinese, as a way of unifying a diverse country.

This makes language choices fraught for groups that are not ethnically Chinese, many of whom chafe under Communist rule.

For Tibetans, the route to jobs and a better income often requires mastering Chinese, leaving many worried they will lose their own ancient tongue and its unique writing system.

While Dawa Dhondup school is technically bilingual, the only classes entirely taught in Tibetan are Tibetan language classes.

Teachers say there are no text books in Tibetan for subjects like history, mathematics or science, and exams have to be written in Chinese -- apart from Tibetan language tests.

"It would be hard for the students to translate into Tibetan concepts they have learned about in Chinese," said deputy headmaster Cang Qiong, patiently answering a stream of questions from foreign reporters about why Tibetan is so little used.

Younger grades fall back on Tibetan when new ideas are introduced, but the rest of the teaching is in Mandarin -- which parents and education experts say can dent interest in learning among some young children who struggle to keep up.

The government views the promotion of Mandarin as vital to unite a nation with thousands of Chinese dialects and numerous other ethnic languages, from Tibetan and Uighur to the much threatened She, Evenki and Manchu.

Beijing says it supports minority languages, pointing to broadcasting in areas where they are still in widespread daily use, and official signs in Tibet -- from shop boards to place names -- where the Sanskrit-based Tibetan script is required.

Many Tibetans still speak no Mandarin, especially in the vast open spaces of the Tibetan heartland. Rights groups and exile communities complain it is being gradually marginalized in cities and among the elite.

"Whether you can speak Tibetan has already become a secondary issue, but whether you can speak Chinese has become crucial to your livelihood," said prominent Tibetan blogger Woeser.

"So the Tibetan written language has in reality reached a very serious point."

Only recently has there been any push for bureaucrats from the majority Han Chinese to learn the languages of minority areas where they work, and the new drive has yet to show much fruit.

There are similar issues with the written language: the rule requiring bilingual signs is easily flouted; billboards over stores are sometimes only written in Chinese, or have just a cursory line of Tibetan.

Chinese is already seeping into everyday Tibetan.

Educated young Tibetans play with "Chibetan," mixing in Mandarin words with Tibetan, much in the same way cool Chinese youth mash up English into their speech.

"It's very fashionable," shrugged one government worker.

For words that have no commonly-used Tibetan equivalent, Mandarin is used instead. In the midst of a Tibetan conversation, certain bureaucratic words crop up in Mandarin.

These include "bu tie" (subsidy), "he tong" (contract) and "dang yuan" (Communist Party member).

In Lhasa, some educated Tibetans say they will fight the rising tide of Mandarin -- by refusing to speak it.

"It is the language of the Chinese," said one young Tibetan man, speaking in excellent English and out of sight of the police patrols in Lhasa's old quarter. "Please don't speak to me in it."

(Additional reporting by Maxim Duncan, Editing by Emma Graham-Harrison and Sugita Katyal)

Friday, July 9, 2010

达赖喇嘛尊者说:我可以随时回去



发布者:《观察》 - 7月7日
达赖喇嘛尊者说:我可以随时回去

2010年7月6日 星期二
来源:参与
转自:朱瑞博客
录音整理:朱瑞

2010年6月27日下午,在日本横滨,达赖喇嘛尊者接见了新加坡联合早报、BBC中文电台、美国之音、自由亚洲电台、自由时报、中天电视公司等在日华文媒体记者和部分中国学者共四十多人,并发表了简短的讲话,回答了大家的提问。讲话的部分内容已见诸各媒体。全文如下:

达赖喇嘛:解决人类面临的困难,相互认识和了解是第一步。我说过,20世纪是血腥的、战争的世纪,而21世纪,应该是和谐的世纪。中华人民共和国成立60多年,有很多成果,但是,实现真正的和谐,还是有困难的。如果当初的“全国人民大团结万岁”,不仅仅是一个口号,今天,胡锦涛总书记就不需要强调和谐了。我说过,“中华人民共和国”中的“共和”,要通过和谐达成。人与人之间,没有信赖,只有猜忌,达成“共和”是不可能的。唯一的办法,就是通过见面,达到理解,消除疑虑。所以,今天见到你们很高兴,接下来,大家可以提问。

问:首先向您表示感谢,上次您来日本时,我告诉您,我女儿要考大学了,您对她写了一句话,结果,她考上德国柏林大学最好的哲学系……

达赖喇嘛:她要成为马克思主义者吗?虽然我没有读过马克思大学,但我是一个马克思主义者。(笑)

问:请问您一个历史问题,就是当年您流亡印度的时候,关于这个情况,在中国国内还报导很多,就是当年的美国中央情报局,在里面做了很多的工作和策反,当年的真实情况,到底是怎么回事?您是完全处于自愿去印度,还是确实有美国中央情报局的工作,是不是曾经后悔过?

达赖喇嘛:西藏的动荡,从1956年开始。首先在四川、青海、甘肃,当时不属于西藏政府管辖的藏区;1957年底,蔓延到了以拉萨为中心的西藏政府管辖区。1957年2月,我刚从印度参加佛陀诞辰纪念活动回到拉萨,西藏自治区党委书记就告诉我,东部的昌都已经开始了动荡。美国中央情报局,如果和西藏的动荡有联系,应该在1956年左右。如果我说,达赖喇嘛不了解,也许有人不相信。唯一的办法就是你们问当事人,也可以问嘉洛顿珠。我和他们没有任何联系。

1959年3月17日晚上,我离开夏宫罗布林卡到达印度的穆苏里时,一些藏人对我说,“非常高兴,因为CIA的介入,您能顺利到印度。”我说:“你们错了,离开罗布林卡,选择流亡,完全是我个人的决定。”

后来,美国中央情报局跟尼泊尔木斯塘的西藏反抗军有了联系。英国的BBC,也问过此事,我很清楚地讲了当时的情况。1959年,很多藏人在印度的锡金打工修路,后来,有的就去了木斯塘,参加了反抗军,不少的人。是我们内政部的官员,亲自到木斯塘,让他们解散,因为这件事,加洛顿珠非常生气。

问:我是BBC中文网记者,童倩。我有两个问题。第一,是什么原因,使您在最近一、两年,比较极积接受华语媒体采访?第二,假如将来,达兰萨拉的流亡政府不在您的领导之下,您认为西藏问题会向着哪个方向发展?

达赖喇嘛:西藏问题的存在,是一个事实,不管北京政府是否承认。为了解决这个问题,1979年中国领导人邓小平时代,我们就开始了努力。1980年,胡耀邦也去了拉萨。当时,我们真的感到很有希望解决西藏问题,可后来中国的政策发生了很大的变化,开始向左的方向倾钭。

从2002年到2010年1月,我们跟北京正式接触了九次,但是,除了训诉以外,没有任何实质性的成果。特别在2008年3月整个西藏发生抗暴事件之后,中国政府一再指控,是达兰萨拉在幕后操作。我公开地呼吁了世界和中国媒体,抱括北京的官员们,都可以来达兰萨拉调查,我们非常欢迎。

2008年5月,胡锦涛总书记访日之前,我看到了一线希望。因为与媒体谈话中,他提到了中央政府与达赖喇嘛在谈判,而且这个谈判是真诚的。同时,中国朋友们私下传来的信息中,也提到了这次解决西藏问题的希望。后来,还是没有了结果。

因为中共政府的指控,2008年的4、5月份,我的美国和欧洲之行,遇到一部分中国学生,大概两、三百人的抗议。我觉得接触他们是很好的,就找了一些代表,但是,都无法交流,因为他们过于愤怒。从此,我感到与华文媒体接触,把真实情况传递给中国朋友们是很重要的。2008年6月,从澳洲开始,抗议逐渐消失了。后来,出现过零星的所谓的抗议,不过,人数很少,据说,都是当地大使馆召集的,他们唯一的酬劳,就是一顿晚饭,或者午饭。

2008年3月事件发生后,我理解汉人朋友们的关心,一听到官方的宣传,就信以为真。后来,我们通过华文媒体和其他各种管道解释了真相,使海外华人,尤其是他们中的知识分子,有了理性的思索和判断的机会。

再说你的第二个问题。从2001年起,西藏流亡组织的官员,都是选举产生。我是半退休状态。流亡组织的一些大的政治决定,也是由民选产生的首长噶伦赤巴主导,现在的噶伦赤巴,已经连任两届了,明年,我们会选出新的噶伦赤巴。

我提出的解决西藏问题的中间道路,也是经过西藏流亡组织的议会和特别大会讨论通过的。当然,不少年轻人发出了独立的声音,在最后,大部分人还是支持了中间道路,特别是民意调查时,得到了境内的很多西藏知识分子的支持。所以,我常说,21世纪,是一个对话的世纪,西藏问题,也该通过对话解决。

从书面看,中华人民共和国宪法及民族区域法,都是非常周全的,但,没有实施。比如,宪法写道,人民有言论自由,那么,现实中,有没有言论自由?

现在,中国境内的很多知识分子,特别是公共知识分子,一再呼吁司法独立和言论自由。去年,我在美国见到了中国社会科学院的张博树博士,他也说到中国未来的言论自由和社会开放是非常重要的。我问他:“跟我见面,你会不会遭到报复?”他说:“不可能,现在的中国和原来不同了,不可能。”结果,他回去后被开除了。

西藏内部的一个实际问题是,藏人活在恐惧之中。汉人对自己的民族文化有感情,藏人也一样。我听到一个消息,说是最近西藏自治区召开了一个私下的会议,参加的大部分是汉人领导,提出了一个意见:未来西藏稳定的一个关键运作,是从幼稚园开始,加强汉语教育;关于西藏的寺庙,也要像汉地一样管理,只留极少数人看管,演变为博物馆和游览场所的性质。不知道这个消息是不是真的,如果这样,作为藏人,内心一定是痛苦的。西藏的宗教和文化,正在利益全世界,尤其是西藏佛教中关于心性、思维等方面的内容,早已被西方科学家关注和肯定。今年11月,我们在印度首都新德里,有一个佛学与科学的对话,这已是第21届了。

问:我非常尊敬达赖喇嘛先生,您的身体健康怎么样?如果没有您对西藏发生影响力的话,再出现大的动乱的时候,这种动乱非常可怕……只要您在,大家都会慢慢安静下来。

达赖喇嘛:北京搜集的一些情报说,达赖喇嘛得了癌症。我每6个月,在美国和印度,分别做一次健康检查,是不是他们的仪器出了毛病?它们认为我的身体非常好!

有一次,我坐车从印度的菩提伽耶到鹿野苑的途中,发生了小小的事故,后来中共的情报说,这次车祸非常严重,达赖喇嘛的两个肋骨已经折断,从此以后,他可能有很大的问题,尿液还有血。(笑)

总的来说,请你放心,我的身体非常好。我个人的感觉,比如,这次在日本,还有在其他国家访问,就是很繁忙的时候,都没有感到疲劳。在印度也一样,无论接见还是讲授佛法,都非常轻松。印度的一位医生,也就是为我做胆结石手术的那位医生,称我为“年轻的病人”。我说:“你不要这样讲,我已经是七十三岁的老人了!”他说: “我知道你的年纪,但是,你的身体状况,是真正的六十岁以下。”

问:我是台湾中天新闻记者,想请教您两个问题,第一,据说中国政府要在中国境内,用自己的方式寻找下一代的西藏精神领袖,不晓得您对这个问题有什么看法?另一个问题,您想过再到台湾访问吗?

达赖喇嘛:达赖喇嘛的转世制度要不要延续,1969年,我就公开地提出,应该由藏人决定。达赖喇嘛制度,除了西藏以外,还和蒙古以及喜马拉雅地区的佛教徒,都有密切关系。如果现在我就往生的话,很多藏人,应该还是希望继续达赖喇嘛制度。这就面临一个问题,达赖喇嘛的转世怎么办?是按照历史上的传统方式,还是制定一个新的方式?

我们每年都在印度召开西藏佛教各大宗派参加的年度大会。几年前,就提出了达赖喇嘛的转世问题。但是,各宗派的教主都说,现在不要谈这个问题,因为达赖喇嘛的身体还好,还不到时候。西藏流亡社会的政治制度,是五年选举一次行政首长,其实,我在与不在,都没有很大的关系。

从宗教方面看,西藏佛教的四大宗派中,都有很多优秀的年轻人,年龄在20到30岁之间,他们在宗教修养、学识、戒律等方面,都很完备。应该说,新一代的宗教人员已经出来,这方面我没有任何担心。似乎北京的中央政府,比我还操心,其实,他们应该反思,出现两个班禅后,除了给他们增加一些复杂的问题以外,没有任何正面意义。

去年我去台湾,马英久政府面临了很大的压力。开始,台湾的媒体也有负面报道,但是,了解了我所做的事情后,正面的报道越来越多了。未来台湾的方向我不清楚。

问:达赖喇嘛您好,谢谢您给我们机会采访!我是新加坡联合早报的记者,海外华人。我们中国有一句成语,落叶归根,达赖喇嘛几十年都没有回家了,不知道您的心情怎样?

达赖喇嘛:1983年,我提出了回西藏一趟的想法。为了圆满,1984年,还组建了一个筹备小组,打算先行西藏,85年,我将亲自回去,都是为了不出现尴尬的局面。因为,1979年我的第一个代表团到西藏的时候,民众拥挤着欢迎,激动得一片哭声。但是,最终没有成功;1992年,为回西藏,我再次做了一些努力;最近一次,是今年玉树地震。四川地震时,我当然也有这个想法,先做了一个捐款,但是,中国驻新德里的大使馆没有接受。连捐款都没有接受,怎么可能接受我到灾区访问?这次不同,玉树是藏区,如果我能回去,相信对灾民有很大的帮助。所以,除了公开提出以外,一些中国朋友还在北京进行了游说,尽管出现了希望,可还是没有了下文。

如果中央政府公开说,达赖喇嘛随时可以回来的话,当然,我也可以随时回去。但是,彻底回归,暂时还有困难。

1959年3月17日下午,我决定离开拉萨,是因为出现了西藏问题,而这个问题没有解决之前,唯一的办法就是离开西藏。1981年,胡耀邦提出了达赖喇嘛回去的五点建议。如果西藏问题是我个人问题,那时,我就可以回去了。中共如果不面对这个现实、只认为有达赖喇嘛问题,是没有办法解决西藏问题的。一些西藏境内的知识分子的也建议,在西藏问题没有彻底解决之前,达赖喇嘛还是留在一个自由的国度比较好。

问:我是美国之音驻东京的评论记者,我叫三井。听说您提出了一个大藏区的概念,中国政府通过中科院的一位教授,提出大藏区的概念是违反中国法律的。请您解释一下,大藏区和您一直提倡的中间道路有什么不同的地方和相同的地方?

达赖喇嘛:中间道路,就是在中华人民共和国之内,藏人除了享有经济利益以外,还应该享有保留自己的语言,文化,宗教,及民族特性的权力,当然,居住在其他藏区的400万藏人,也应平等地享有这种权益。

所谓的“大西藏”,并不是我们提出的,是中共对我们的指责。今年年初召开的中共中央第五次西藏工作座谈会,就提到了全面布署发展包括四川、青海、云南、甘肃境内的所有藏区的思路;温家宝总理在人大政府工作报告中,也提出了共同发展全藏区。如果我讲的是“大西藏”,他们讲的难道不是“大西藏”?

实际上,中央政府已经接受了我们关于所有藏人平等享受权益的某些诉求,这两个会议中,已显露了出来。我在今年3月10日的公开讲话中,也肯定赞扬了这一点。事实上,他们的关于“大西藏”、“分裂”等一系列指控,都不过是不愿意继续和谈的借口。

在我们双方的接触中,统战部提出,你们所谓的名符其实的自治,到底是什么?希望以书面形式交给中央。后来,在第八次和谈的时候,我们就把《有关全体西藏民族实现名符其实自治的建议》,交给了中央政府。但是,他们在回应中,并没有说明我们的建议里哪一条哪一款是违背法律的,哪一条哪一款是不能接受的,只是笼统地定性为:半独立和变相独立。一些从大陆来的知识分子和朋友跟我讲,统战部的官员,非常官僚,尤其思维狭隘,和他们谈判没有用。

问:我知道达赖喇嘛的英语非常好,您用英语讲演的时候,获得了很多欧美听众的赞同和同情,但是,我了解到,达赖喇嘛在五岁之前,在青海,当时说汉语,上次您用汉语对我们说“民族大团结万岁”,我觉得您发音也很好,说得也很好,我想问,您的所谓母语是汉语还是藏语?为什么不直接用汉语对中国听众,像英语那样,如果您可以讲的话,直接发表讲解,这样,会有更多的人直接听到您的声音?

达赖喇嘛:用汉语跟华人朋友直接对话,当然很好,正如我在日本,也希望能用日语跟日本朋友交流。我在印度住了五十多年,我的印度语也不是很好,只能讲一点点。

我真正的母语是什么呢?是藏语中的安多方言,文字是一样的,是藏文。我们600万藏人,无论是西藏自治区,还是青海、云南、甘肃,四川的藏区,使用的藏文都是一样的。但是,不同的地方,有不同的方言。正如你们也有广东话和普通话一样。在我出生的村庄里,有很多回族,有人会讲汉语,但是,带着非常重的西宁口音。我也会讲一点点,不过,我的西宁话到了北京以后,没有用,没办法勾通。所以,54年、55年在北京时,我学了一点汉语。那时,见到毛泽东和周恩来时,还讲了几句。周恩来说:“你的中文讲的非常好。”但是,到了印度以后,那点汉语都忘了。不是不愿意讲,是讲不出来。比如,“全国人民代表大会常务委员会副委员长”,我能说,因为这是我个人的一个头衔,当时的刘少奇是我的上司;还有“全国人民大团结万岁”。说不定,我能讲的这一点点汉语,比毛泽东的湖南口音还要标准。但是,我的母语是西藏语。(笑)

宋庆玲,她也是人大副委员长,同一个官位,我们有时坐在一起,她跟我讲广东话,我根本听不懂。不过,仍然可以交流,就是,当会议非常冗长的时候,她会从包包里取出一个糖果,给我。(笑)

问:您经历了毛泽东时代,邓小平时代,江泽民时代,现在是胡温时代,您觉得共产党对您的立场和态度是不是有所不同,如果不同的话,您认为为什么会有这样的不同?

达赖喇嘛:他们的态度和立场都是不一样的。为什么?应该问他们。我是一个人,现在都没有变。在共产党里面,马克思主义很好,列宁主义是一种极权。如果讲毛泽东思想,55年以前,很好。1956年,特别从1957年开始,就变了。毛泽东提出“百花齐放,百家争鸣”时,很好的样子,后来,整个情况就变了。

应该是59年,我到印度时,听到了彭德怀的国防部长被免职的消息,很是惊讶。彭德怀不会阿谀奉承,直来直去,刘少奇也一样,周恩来不一样,他不是一个直来直去的人。公正无私的人遇到了麻烦,狡猾的人平安无事,我觉得出了问题。后来,发生了文化大革命,全世界都知道,文化大革命是非常疯狂的。   

我有一个朋友,他得过诺贝尔和平奖,是社会主义者。他原来和中国很亲密,有感情,他批评台湾,说国民党是反动派。他曾赞扬中国共产党。两年前我见到他时,特别地问他:“现在的中国,是不是社会主义?”他毫不犹豫地回答:“不是社会主义,是资本主义,而且是极权的资本主义!”

初期的毛泽东思想、马克思主义,已经变质了,否则就不可能出现今天的贪污腐败。如果还保有那种革命精神,就该做到制度的公开化和决策的透明化。在战争年代,可能会有机秘、秘密,但是,现在不是战争年代,这就导致了对民众的不信任。中国境内的一些知识分子告诉我,要从反面理解中国官方媒体宣传的每件事情,因为宣传的背后,才是真相。他们还说,中国新闻,只有一个是真的,就是当天的日期。这是他们讲的。一个原来为劳动者服务的政党,变成这个样子,很糟糕。

我在中国的时候,除了北京以外,还去了其他的省份。一些省长、市长,都是党员,很多人参加过红军、万里长征,他们当时为人民服务的心情,的的确确是真的,值得尊敬。正是这种精神征服了我,我提出了加入共产党。但是,有人告诉我,不要急。现在看来,这些人,可能预见了未来,知道共产党会变成一个腐败的党。

我的精神上,现在仍然是一个马克思主义者。97年,我第一次到台湾跟连战会面时,就说:“我没有反共”。连战说:“我们反共。”

共产党,为中国革命付出过代价,在这个肯定的基础上,应该慢慢地退休,这是光荣的退休。我这么说,绝不是反共。共产党的早期,是有功劳的,如果能光荣地退休,把权力、中国的未来,交给新一代年轻人,是很好的。现在,他们唯一关心就是权力,整个国家警察和安全系统都在维稳,这是没有办法产生和谐的,只能产生更多的人与人之间的猜忌和怀疑。

最近,《中国青年报》上有的文章提到真正的稳定来自内心,还提到国家体制的法治化,都是非常好的。我也看到了温家宝总理纪念胡耀邦先生的文章,不过,听说,温家宝总理的这篇文章,遭到了左派的强烈攻击。很复杂。

问:我是研究政治学的。刚才达赖喇嘛讲到两个班禅的出现,在政治方面添了不少麻烦,没有任何益处,但是换一个角度看,也可能北京希望有两个班禅,这样,使藏人无法相信谁,还可以影响西藏佛教的发展。不过,我觉得还是一个班禅、一个达赖喇嘛,才对佛教有好处,这方面,达赖喇嘛怎么看?

达赖喇嘛:中国官方任命的班禅,其实在藏人中,没有什么影响。连中国政府里的一些官员,也在讲“假班禅”、“假班禅”……据说,官方的班禅,到西藏各地时,还要麻烦政府动员朝拜,去的话,会得到一些礼物。而上一世班禅到藏区时,一些官员,因为前去朝拜,还受到了惩罚,和现在的奖励恰成对比。

我常对华人朋友举这个例子:印度是一个很大的国家,在东方、南方、西方、北方,都有不同的民族,不同的文化,不同的文字和语言,但是,他们的民族文化,都保护的非常好,因为印度是一个平等、民主、法治的国家,不同民族之间,相睦相处,印度政府也从未担心过他们会搞分裂。

中共害怕西藏人、维吾尔人是不同的民族,有自己的语言和文字。其实,不必担心,如果真正变成民主国家,整个机制和决策透明化,人与人之间就会产生信赖,中国就会变成一个真正的共和国。我也跟华人朋友讲过,让中国立刻民主化,也是不现实的,可能会产生一些负面的动荡。我个人认为,由共产党领导,循序渐进地实现民主比较好。现在,马上可以实施的就是制度的透明化,不要控制媒体,要法治化。这样,中国境内的民众思考方式,会不同程度的改变。慢慢地,中国才会成为一个强国,而这样的强国,才会被全世界信赖和尊敬,可以为世界服务。大家非常清楚一个事实,就是中国周边的许多国家,都在恐惧;说得远一点,美国也好,欧盟也好,对中国还是饱着一种担心,不是很信赖的态度。

去年,我记得印度总理访问华盛顿时讲过一句话,他说,从经济方面讲,印度落后于中国,但是,不要忘记,印度是一个民主、法治、自由的国家,从这个软实力的角度讲,印度优越于中国。这是肺腑之言,也是一个事实,不能理解为印度总理批评中国。所以,我刚刚讲的,在共产党带领下,中国渐渐的走向民主,是现实的。

我也注意到胡锦涛总书记的讲话里,民主两个字,提得比较多一些。民主是这个世界的共同趋势。中国近代历史中,孙中山发动辛亥革命时,反对的就是极权的满清政府,而共产党,像满清政府一样极权,不是很奇怪吗?建国初期的革命思想,如今都没有了,就剩下了两个字,钱和权。还有太子党,还有这些官员的什么二奶。

问:西藏问题大概分析起来有三个大的问题吧,一个是政治问题,一个是宗教问题,一个是民族问题。那么从政治问题来讲,就是说,如果现在的社会主义制度有很多问题,中国人民自己也很不满意,这也是事实,但是,是否可以说,社会主义不好,那么,以前西藏的农奴制度,就应该回去吗?再一个宗教问题,中国可以说,从文革开始以来,各地的宗教寺庙进行了很多的破坏,包括西藏是非常严重的,但是,中国人有一个想法,破坏的不止是西藏,中国各地都同样遭到了破坏,所以,不能说,是专门针对西藏进行了这种破坏,这是很多中国人的想法,虽然这是非常错误的,是犯罪,但是,中国各地是一样的,汉族地区也是一样的。这是一个宗教问题,第三,就是民族问题,现在看,世界各地民族纠分都是非常严重的问题,就是不希望汉族和西藏人再有这个民族纠纷,但是,还是要提倡和谐,但是现在从汉族人来看,比如说,北京奥运会呀和各种问题,使西藏造成了和汉族的很多感情上的隔阂。

达赖喇嘛:我批评的是以社会主义的名义,造成了中国巨大的贫富差别。社会主义当初所关心是工人、农民的幸福和饥苦,而现在,挣扎在最低层的就是工人和农民,我批评的就是这个,我没有说社会主义制度不好。

1959年,我们到了印度后,就开始了民主化。我们的法律中有一条,就是流亡组织议会中的多数人,如果赞成的话,可以取消达赖喇嘛的权力和这个制度。我可以肯定地讲,不管西藏境内、还是境外,都没有一个人想恢复西藏过去的制度。1992年,我们已宣誓,在境外的一切努力,都是为了解决西藏问题。一旦西藏问题解决,所有的西藏事务,会交由境内的优秀藏人承担。

应该是1980年,在美国,我见到了一位《国家地理》杂志的记者,他去了西藏,看到很多照片,其中,有一张,他说,是布达拉宫里的一个照片,上面有一个人的头盖骨。他告诉我,中国的官员解释,这是达赖喇嘛喝酒的碗,他问我:“是不是这样?”

我竟然一时无语。因为,我不相信,天底下还有这种谎话!不过,西藏人的生死观和别的民族不一样,有的藏人临终前,可能希望头盖骨留下来,做为供品,这是可能的。可惜,这种误解或者说扭曲了真实情况的宣传,愚弄了不少人。

刚刚你提到的所谓的农奴制,那是因为,他们没有勇气承认,达赖喇嘛和海外的藏人在印度已经实行了民主,因为他们自己是专制制度,也只能说,达赖喇嘛和那些海外的藏人,要恢复过去的农奴制。西藏的过去,究竟是不是农奴制,还有待讨论。但不管怎么说,我们连做梦也没有想到恢复过去的制度。中共对西藏曾有一个武断的定义:最落后、最野蛮、最黑暗、最残酷。也不是他们讲的那样,现在,连他们自己也很少这么说了。

你刚刚还提到文化大革命对西藏寺庙和全国文化的摧残,的确这样。但是,还应该知道,西藏那些大的寺庙被摧毁,从1957、58年就开始了,甚至1956年,中共的轰炸机,就炸毁了理塘大寺,位于现在的四川甘孜州的理塘县,这是一个很大的寺庙。我听到理塘寺被炸时,就对在拉萨的中共官员讲:“当地的民众是无幸的,他们没有办法对你的飞机开枪,对和平的群体、古老的寺庙这样轰炸和摧毁是不应该的。”

再说汉藏之间的关系,不是最近几年,或者几十年才开始,可以上溯近二千年。从我个人来讲,二十四岁之前,我住在西藏。共产党没有到西藏的时候,在拉萨有汉人开的商店,我们称那些老板为“汉人的公子”,非常喜欢他们。共产党到了拉萨以后,我和他们打了九年的交道,这期间,虽然有反对、批评、甚至抗议他们的政策,但从来没有和汉人同胞发生过任何矛盾。1959年以后,出现了汉藏矛盾,很多从境内来的藏人,我见到他们的时候,都非常激动,他们称汉人为 “加干”(藏语:老汉人)。我原来没有听到过这样的话,是谁造成的?我们希望和汉人兄弟姐妹和睦相处,回到大家庭,但是,他们一再编造罪名,把我们分割出来。尽管我的代表和北京之间的接触、协商,非常重要。但是,他们去的时候,有时,我开玩笑地说:“好吧,去北京去接受他们的训斥吧……”

追根究底,汉藏民族之间矛盾的制造者,应该是共产党、北京当局,尤其是统战部!是他们不真实的宣传,造成了不必要的误解。2008年3月事件发生以后,来自西藏的很多人,见到我时,都谈起他们的感受,比如,到北京、上海、广东等地,找不到旋馆,买不到车票,也订不到机票,他们遇到了实际困难,如果没有亲身经历的话,不会理解那种被排斥的心情。去年,一个中国的访问团里,刚好有一个藏人,出国的时候,在机场,因为他的身份证上写着“藏族”,就遭遇了特别盘查,其他人都可以顺利通过,只有他,等了很久,所有的藏人,都在被怀疑。

十年前,西藏自治区党委书记陈奎元,在西藏内部的一个重要会议上说,西藏的共产党员,只有两个人是共产党信任的。所谓的这两个人,其实,他们也通过一些关系传过口信给我,据我了解,这两个人,也不是共产党信任的,所以,没有共产党信任的藏人。

2008年西藏三月事件发生后,藏人的感受,很多人都不了解。其实,对藏人的排斥和打压,造成了不管在军队里,国家机关里,还是党员里,百分之九十九的藏人,都开始了表现出对北京政府的不满。社会机制的不透明,是很大的原因,有些朋友跟我讲,在北京,一些非常高的官员,手机里就有达赖喇嘛您的照片,而在公开的场合,他们可能会讲,达赖喇嘛是魔鬼。(笑)

在德里,我见过到印度留学的中国学生,他们说,在中国生存很困难,必须要有两张脸,一个是真的,一个是假的。所以,我非常同情中国民众,内心想的和口头讲的不一样,民众骗当局,当局骗民众。

今天,希望通过你们和你们的朋友,把我的呼吁传递出去:十三亿中国人应该有了解事情真相的权力,有争取政策和政治制度的透明化的权力!我相信,只要中国人真正地了解事实,他们就有能力分辨善与恶,好与坏。如果总是认为十三亿中国人,愚蠢得像小孩子一样,我觉得,是对不起他们。对不对,同意不同意?

听众:同意。

达赖喇嘛:同意?完全同意?(笑)

问:听君一席言,胜读十年书。我是一个汉人,非常相信达赖喇嘛的话,当然不太相信共产党的话。达赖喇嘛谈到跟北京的沟通上,选择了中间路线,并且愿意通过协商,甚至妥协来达成……,实际上,这条中间路线本身,也是一条妥协的路线,却不为北京接受。那么,这条中间路线,是否就是目前达赖喇嘛对中国政策的底线,或者说,在这条中间路线的基础上,还有妥协的空间?如果有的话,将是什么?比如,达赖喇嘛希望回国,现在看来,要长期的回国,达赖喇嘛自己也认为条件不成熟,可以回国看看,如果一下子回到拉萨,或者回到西藏也不可能的话,那么,有没有这种想法,比如先到五台山,或者到其它的地方,做一个过渡,也就是说,妥协的妥协在哪里?

达赖喇嘛:2005年,我的代表在和北京的第四次谈判中,明确地提出了达赖喇嘛到五台山朝圣的要求。其实,这个想法,我在1954年就有了。但是,统战部的回答很清楚,达赖喇嘛到任何一个地方,都不可能是单纯的宗教活动,一定有政治色彩。刚刚讲到玉树地震时,我也公开地提出了回去的愿望。

去年在华盛顿,一位朋友建议,是不是以朝圣,纯粹宗教的名义,到中国访问?我说: “现在,中国政府把达赖喇嘛看成魔鬼,马上让魔鬼到中国访问,是不可能的。”我们要观察中国的政策,一旦对西藏的高压稍微缓和,我就及时肯定,这样,我这个魔鬼的罪孽也许会减少一点。这时候,中国政府允许我去,才是比较合理的。

各位应该了解,我的中间道路政策,是以中华人民共和国宪法及民族区域自治法为依据,在争取我们合法的权益,除此没有别的。我们这里也有《全体西藏民族实现名符其实自治的建议》和今年的3月10日我的讲话,可以看一下,看一看我的罪孽有没有减少一点?时间已经超过一个小时了。

听众:谢谢!(掌声)

中国42万人不知自己感染艾滋病

发布者:多维新闻 - 7月7日
中国42万人不知自己感染艾滋病

【多维新闻】中国2009年估计新发艾滋病病毒感染者48,000例,目前,存活感染者约达74万例,但其中近42万人不知自己被感染,仍在没有防护的条件下活动。

综合媒体7月6日报道,上述信息是中国医学科学院生命伦理学研究中心教授邱仁宗5日披露的。邱仁宗在首届中国红丝带北京论坛上发表的《艾滋病与人权在中国:进展和问题》报告称,截至2009年10月底,中国累计报告艾滋病病毒感染者319,877例,死亡49,845例。

儘管各级政府用于爱滋病的防治经费从2003年的4.9亿元人民币逐步增加到2008年的15.94亿元,并对爱滋病预防、检测、治疗、教育、关怀和支持的普遍可及做出承诺,但新发现的感染率和死亡率都没有下降。

邱仁宗提供的数据显示:2009年新发现的感染者中,异性传播佔42.2%,男男性传播佔32.5%;40%是医疗机构在接诊时发现,说明艾滋病已从高危人群向一般人群传播。

邱仁宗指出,中国估计有包括毒品滥用者、性工作者及服务对象、男男同性恋等高危行为人群3至5千万;而调查结果表明,有四分之一吸毒者共用注射器,超过五分之二性工作者不能坚持每次交易使用安全套,近三分之二男同性恋半年内与多个同性发生性行为,安全套使用率仅为42%。

邱教授引用国家卫生部官员对此作出的结论是:如果对一个高危人群的干预覆盖率不足60%,将很难扭转该人群艾滋病病毒感染快速上升的局面。因此,扩展对高危人群的干预覆盖,成为当务之急。

中华预防医学会会长王陇德、中国性病艾滋病防治协会会长张文康、中国性病艾滋病预防控制中心主任吴尊友以及澳大利亚艾滋病和人权活动家迈克尔·科比等一百位专家出席了由联合国艾滋病规划署支持、中国性病艾滋病防治协会等主办这届论坛。

Friday, July 2, 2010

你富你的,与我何干!

6/30/2010

Secret China

我国财政收入今年可能超八万亿,有望名列全球第二,地方财政纷纷上报喜讯,可是我真的一点也高兴不起来。我想起那些身患重病看不起病发帖求助的无望百姓, 想起那些考上大学却付不起学费只能放弃的莘莘学子,想起那些捉襟见肘、艰难度日的下岗职工,想起一个月3百元工资省吃俭用的民办教师,想到这些,我还有什 么理由欢呼雀跃!国家富了、国家财政收入全球第二,与那些看不起病、上不起学的老百姓何干!你富你的,他穷他的,他穷你不管,你富他也犯不着稀罕!老百姓 连病都看不起,你就算富得天下第一、宇宙第一,又和他们何干!他们何必替你欢喜! 

国家富了,虽然是纳税人的钱,可是他怎么花,我们管不着,我们没 有资格管,甚至连看也看不到。他有钱了,他高兴怎么花就怎么花,我们有什么值得高兴的!只要他愿意,他宁可挥金如土援助非洲友邦,也不愿意建立一个国家基 金,专门为得了重病看不起等死的中国百姓看病,你有什么办法?只要他愿意,他宁可对体育冠军一掷百万,却对教育一线的民办教师惜金如命,你又能奈他何?只 要他愿意,他可以动辄几十亿、几百亿的大搞庆典、面子工程,却对改善民生无动于衷,你还不是只能发发牢骚而已?只要他愿意,他宁可重金雇佣网上五毛,粉饰 太平、歌功颂德,也不让你畅所欲言、忠言直谏,我们还不是干瞪眼?

财政收入8万亿,可望全球第二,听说这个新闻,我很平淡!与我何干!除非 他花钱以前,多听听我们的意见,听证会不只是掩人耳目;除非他多花点钱照顾弱势群体、少在面子工程一掷千金;除非用我们的纳税人的钱养活的公务员,少一些 ‘咆哮哥’,多一些真正的人民公仆,让我们觉得这些人没有白养,这钱没有白花;除非老百姓都看得起病、上得起学,所有百姓都幸福富裕。否则,就算财政收入 1000万亿,就算名列全球第一、宇宙第一,我也高兴不起来!实在与我无关!