VOICE OF FREEDOM blog is representing those who are suffering and have no voice under communist China. This blog provides articles, poems, letters, stories and even thoughts and comments on Tibet issue. This blog also provides translations from Tibetan and Chinese to English. I welcome everyone to enjoy this blog and put up a line of your thoughts and comments share with us.
My country "Tibet" a hell on Earth
Friday, October 21, 2011
Thursday, October 13, 2011
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
Sunday, October 2, 2011
Tuesday, August 23, 2011
Monday, August 22, 2011
Thursday, August 18, 2011
Monday, August 15, 2011
Wednesday, August 10, 2011
Sunday, August 7, 2011
Now, a chance to end Tibet stalemate
By Kalon Tripa Dr Lobsang Sangay
Sunday, 7 August 2011
Tomorrow, i take the oath to become the Kalon Tripa, or elected political leader, of the Tibetan people. I assume these duties with the support of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and a democratic mandate from Tibetans living in exile in 30 countries around the world. I will strive to restore freedom for Tibetans and the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. The values that i seek for Tibetans are those enjoyed and often taken for granted in India: freedom, equality, and dignity.
We are not against the Chinese people or China as a nation. We want to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully through dialogue. But the Chinese people must know that historically Tibet and China were two different entities as enshrined in the Treaty of 821-822, which states that "Tibetan shall be happy in the land of Tibet and Chinese will be happy in the land of China."
When China invaded Tibet in 1959, it promised the Tibetan people a "socialist paradise." First roads were built and along these roads were carted Tibet's untapped and abundant mineral and other natural resources to China. Forests were logged. The countless priceless statues and cultural artifacts housed in destroyed monasteries and temples made their way to China. In short, the "socialist paradise" the Tibetans were promised turned into colonialism, with Tibet's resources being made to fuel China's development. The Tibetan people resisted this development with determination but the resistance was crushed with military might. This is the Tibetan experience of China's "socialist paradise."
After their escape from Tibet, my parents lived on an acre of land in a refugee settlement in Darjeeling. We were so poor that my folks had to sell one of their three cows to send me to the Tibetan refugee school financed by the Indian government. From there, i went to Delhi University and won a Fulbright Scholarship to Harvard Law School. Now, after 16 years at Harvard, i return to India to take up political leadership to help lead the six million Tibetans living in Tibet and exile.
We remain eternally grateful to the people and the government of India for giving us refuge for the past five decades. For those of us who live here, India is our second home. The Tibetan administration will uphold the special relationship between the Tibetans and Indians. We humbly appeal for your continued support and kind consideration to treat Tibet as one of the core issues between India and China.
After 60 years of misrule, Tibetans continue to be repressed. Any Tibetan caught with a picture of the Dalai Lama is arrested in his homeland. Monks and nuns are put through hard labour. Even to have a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could land you in trouble.
Ultimately, unable to accept the status of second-class citizens in their own country, in 2008, those born and brought up under the "socialist paradise," Tibetans from all walks of life rose up and protested from Dromo to Dartsedo and Ngari to Ngaba in Tibet. This generation of protesters in Tibet has not met the Dalai Lama; and though few in exile have been allowed to go to Tibet, our spirit is strong. Elders have entrusted their faith and leadership in the younger generation and i pledge to continue their legacy to make our freedom movement stronger and sustainable.
Following the footsteps of Mahatma Gandhi, the Dalai Lama advocates ahimsa, to which i subscribe too. The Dalai Lama has proposed a "middle-path solution" that seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within China, which i support because i believe in the power of peaceful dialogue to enact change. I have spent the last 16 years cultivating dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan students, and arranging meetings between the Dalai Lama and Chinese scholars at Harvard University.
Although i will continue to ardently strive for Tibetan rights, meaningful progress will require the cooperation of other parties. Through peaceful dialogue and communication, i genuinely believe we have the opportunity to meaningfully create a solution that would satisfy both Tibetan and Chinese interests.
A just and speedy resolution of the issue of Tibet is in the interest of all Asia. For thousands of years, the Tibetan people served as responsible guardians of the environment of the world's highest and largest plateau that is the source of 10 major rivers, which contribute to the livelihood of more than two billion human beings. China's damming of rivers that originate from Tibet will undermine the livelihood of millions of people downstream in Asia. It is for this reason millions of people in Asia have a vested interest in seeing that the Tibetan people are restored to their traditional role of being the responsible guardians of the environment of the Tibetan Plateau. This transcends politics. It touches upon the well-being and welfare of Asia.
Sunday, 7 August 2011
Tomorrow, i take the oath to become the Kalon Tripa, or elected political leader, of the Tibetan people. I assume these duties with the support of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and a democratic mandate from Tibetans living in exile in 30 countries around the world. I will strive to restore freedom for Tibetans and the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. The values that i seek for Tibetans are those enjoyed and often taken for granted in India: freedom, equality, and dignity.
We are not against the Chinese people or China as a nation. We want to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully through dialogue. But the Chinese people must know that historically Tibet and China were two different entities as enshrined in the Treaty of 821-822, which states that "Tibetan shall be happy in the land of Tibet and Chinese will be happy in the land of China."
When China invaded Tibet in 1959, it promised the Tibetan people a "socialist paradise." First roads were built and along these roads were carted Tibet's untapped and abundant mineral and other natural resources to China. Forests were logged. The countless priceless statues and cultural artifacts housed in destroyed monasteries and temples made their way to China. In short, the "socialist paradise" the Tibetans were promised turned into colonialism, with Tibet's resources being made to fuel China's development. The Tibetan people resisted this development with determination but the resistance was crushed with military might. This is the Tibetan experience of China's "socialist paradise."
After their escape from Tibet, my parents lived on an acre of land in a refugee settlement in Darjeeling. We were so poor that my folks had to sell one of their three cows to send me to the Tibetan refugee school financed by the Indian government. From there, i went to Delhi University and won a Fulbright Scholarship to Harvard Law School. Now, after 16 years at Harvard, i return to India to take up political leadership to help lead the six million Tibetans living in Tibet and exile.
We remain eternally grateful to the people and the government of India for giving us refuge for the past five decades. For those of us who live here, India is our second home. The Tibetan administration will uphold the special relationship between the Tibetans and Indians. We humbly appeal for your continued support and kind consideration to treat Tibet as one of the core issues between India and China.
After 60 years of misrule, Tibetans continue to be repressed. Any Tibetan caught with a picture of the Dalai Lama is arrested in his homeland. Monks and nuns are put through hard labour. Even to have a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could land you in trouble.
Ultimately, unable to accept the status of second-class citizens in their own country, in 2008, those born and brought up under the "socialist paradise," Tibetans from all walks of life rose up and protested from Dromo to Dartsedo and Ngari to Ngaba in Tibet. This generation of protesters in Tibet has not met the Dalai Lama; and though few in exile have been allowed to go to Tibet, our spirit is strong. Elders have entrusted their faith and leadership in the younger generation and i pledge to continue their legacy to make our freedom movement stronger and sustainable.
Following the footsteps of Mahatma Gandhi, the Dalai Lama advocates ahimsa, to which i subscribe too. The Dalai Lama has proposed a "middle-path solution" that seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within China, which i support because i believe in the power of peaceful dialogue to enact change. I have spent the last 16 years cultivating dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan students, and arranging meetings between the Dalai Lama and Chinese scholars at Harvard University.
Although i will continue to ardently strive for Tibetan rights, meaningful progress will require the cooperation of other parties. Through peaceful dialogue and communication, i genuinely believe we have the opportunity to meaningfully create a solution that would satisfy both Tibetan and Chinese interests.
A just and speedy resolution of the issue of Tibet is in the interest of all Asia. For thousands of years, the Tibetan people served as responsible guardians of the environment of the world's highest and largest plateau that is the source of 10 major rivers, which contribute to the livelihood of more than two billion human beings. China's damming of rivers that originate from Tibet will undermine the livelihood of millions of people downstream in Asia. It is for this reason millions of people in Asia have a vested interest in seeing that the Tibetan people are restored to their traditional role of being the responsible guardians of the environment of the Tibetan Plateau. This transcends politics. It touches upon the well-being and welfare of Asia.
Saturday, August 6, 2011
Wednesday, August 3, 2011
国家主义者宣扬的英雄
作者：唯色
来源：唯色博客
赵尔丰是清朝末年的川滇边务大臣兼驻藏大臣，1905-1908年率兵进入藏东康地，血腥镇压藏人反抗，推行“改土归流”的同化政策，被藏人痛恨之极，称他是“赵屠夫”。
据记载，赵尔丰先是“剿办巴塘七沟村，搜杀藏民达数百人，尸体抛入金沙江，而且将其中的七个暴动首领，剜心沥血”。随即将“乡城桑披寺、巴塘丁林寺无端焚毁，将寺内佛像铜器，改铸铜元，经书抛弃厕内，护佛绫罗彩衣，均被军人缠足。惨杀无辜，不知凡几。以致四方逃窜者，流离颠沛，无家可归”。
美国的基督教神父史德文医生，上世纪初到藏东巴塘行医、传教，在日记中记载，赵尔丰的军队把藏人僧侣与百姓，放进寺院煮茶的大锅里活活煮熟至死，然后喂狗吃。有的人被四肢捆绑于牦牛之间，受撕裂而身首异处。有的人被泼洒滚烫的油，给活活烫死。
这样一个不但杀人如麻、且以同化的方式毁灭藏人文化的刽子手，却被中国官方评价极高。西藏自治区党委外宣局官员马菁林就说：“在这一事件的具体过程中，作为具体实施者的赵尔丰，无论其本人属于哪一个阶级，其具体的手段是否正确，都应放在当时特定的历史环境中去分析、理解和把握。只要其行为是顺应了历史发展必然规律的，就应当给予充分的肯定。”而这个说法，同样适用于1950年代对藏人的屠杀，适用于2008年对藏人的屠杀。
中国体制内的学者、作家也对赵尔丰推崇备至。如曾在西藏生活二十余年、以书写西藏闻名的汉人作家马丽华，就在书中感叹“行将就木的一个朝代居然出现这等有所作为的封疆大吏”，还自以为是地说“后来的西藏人即使在说赵尔丰的坏话时，也不免先自带了三分敬意。”中央民族大学的一位研究藏学的人干脆撰文《Zhao Erfeng: a hero of Kham》。
而在网上输入“赵尔丰”会发现一个耐人寻味的现象，许多中国人提及赵尔丰杀汉人，认为是他的“历史污点”，却对他在西藏的恶行赞叹不绝，如“沉冤百年的民族英雄”、“带兵入藏平叛的清朝大臣赵尔丰的历史功绩”、“怀念民族英雄赵尔丰”、“收复西藏的英雄”等等。这显然是在表明，杀汉人属残忍，杀藏人属爱国。
最近，清华大学教授汪晖出版了一本有关“西藏问题”的书，其中把赵尔丰对藏人的血腥同化很技巧地归结为一种“回应”：“1908年，川滇边务大臣赵尔丰则在平定了康区叛乱之后，在川边（西康）一带实行大规模改土归流……需要说明的是：‘新政’是为了回应英国殖民主义的入侵和支配而产生的回应措施。”在推特上，有推友评说：“看来英国够倒霉的，不仅为利益出卖西藏而名声不佳，还以背黑锅的宿命为后来的殖民主义入侵西藏提供了借口。”
正如推友所言：“在边疆史、民族史等领域，少数民族裔几乎没有话语权，历史的书写掌握在中国（汉）本位观念根深蒂固的汉族学者手中，颠倒黑白之事只会越来越多。”汪晖在书中旁征博引，滔滔不绝，却无藏人的声音，即使有，也是为他所利用。为什么会这样呢？很简单，这些人不但是国家主义者，而且还是拥护专制极权的国家主义者。
2011年7月
来源：唯色博客
赵尔丰是清朝末年的川滇边务大臣兼驻藏大臣，1905-1908年率兵进入藏东康地，血腥镇压藏人反抗，推行“改土归流”的同化政策，被藏人痛恨之极，称他是“赵屠夫”。
据记载，赵尔丰先是“剿办巴塘七沟村，搜杀藏民达数百人，尸体抛入金沙江，而且将其中的七个暴动首领，剜心沥血”。随即将“乡城桑披寺、巴塘丁林寺无端焚毁，将寺内佛像铜器，改铸铜元，经书抛弃厕内，护佛绫罗彩衣，均被军人缠足。惨杀无辜，不知凡几。以致四方逃窜者，流离颠沛，无家可归”。
美国的基督教神父史德文医生，上世纪初到藏东巴塘行医、传教，在日记中记载，赵尔丰的军队把藏人僧侣与百姓，放进寺院煮茶的大锅里活活煮熟至死，然后喂狗吃。有的人被四肢捆绑于牦牛之间，受撕裂而身首异处。有的人被泼洒滚烫的油，给活活烫死。
这样一个不但杀人如麻、且以同化的方式毁灭藏人文化的刽子手，却被中国官方评价极高。西藏自治区党委外宣局官员马菁林就说：“在这一事件的具体过程中，作为具体实施者的赵尔丰，无论其本人属于哪一个阶级，其具体的手段是否正确，都应放在当时特定的历史环境中去分析、理解和把握。只要其行为是顺应了历史发展必然规律的，就应当给予充分的肯定。”而这个说法，同样适用于1950年代对藏人的屠杀，适用于2008年对藏人的屠杀。
中国体制内的学者、作家也对赵尔丰推崇备至。如曾在西藏生活二十余年、以书写西藏闻名的汉人作家马丽华，就在书中感叹“行将就木的一个朝代居然出现这等有所作为的封疆大吏”，还自以为是地说“后来的西藏人即使在说赵尔丰的坏话时，也不免先自带了三分敬意。”中央民族大学的一位研究藏学的人干脆撰文《Zhao Erfeng: a hero of Kham》。
而在网上输入“赵尔丰”会发现一个耐人寻味的现象，许多中国人提及赵尔丰杀汉人，认为是他的“历史污点”，却对他在西藏的恶行赞叹不绝，如“沉冤百年的民族英雄”、“带兵入藏平叛的清朝大臣赵尔丰的历史功绩”、“怀念民族英雄赵尔丰”、“收复西藏的英雄”等等。这显然是在表明，杀汉人属残忍，杀藏人属爱国。
最近，清华大学教授汪晖出版了一本有关“西藏问题”的书，其中把赵尔丰对藏人的血腥同化很技巧地归结为一种“回应”：“1908年，川滇边务大臣赵尔丰则在平定了康区叛乱之后，在川边（西康）一带实行大规模改土归流……需要说明的是：‘新政’是为了回应英国殖民主义的入侵和支配而产生的回应措施。”在推特上，有推友评说：“看来英国够倒霉的，不仅为利益出卖西藏而名声不佳，还以背黑锅的宿命为后来的殖民主义入侵西藏提供了借口。”
正如推友所言：“在边疆史、民族史等领域，少数民族裔几乎没有话语权，历史的书写掌握在中国（汉）本位观念根深蒂固的汉族学者手中，颠倒黑白之事只会越来越多。”汪晖在书中旁征博引，滔滔不绝，却无藏人的声音，即使有，也是为他所利用。为什么会这样呢？很简单，这些人不但是国家主义者，而且还是拥护专制极权的国家主义者。
2011年7月
Monday, August 1, 2011
Sunday, July 31, 2011
西藏之水救中国，谁来救西藏？
王力雄：
2007年04月25日
2006年春，中共中央办公厅给中共政治局推荐的阅读书目中，一位中国军队作家写的《西藏之水救中国》列在第一。香港亚洲周刊透露，中共总书记胡锦涛、总理温家宝都读了该书，温家宝还作了批示。
《西藏之水救中国》一书极力鼓吹的，是一个中国民间水利专家构想的“大西线调水工程”方案——从雅鲁藏布江的朔玛滩到天津之间开一条运河，把相当于四条黄河年流量的两千亿立方米的水从西藏引到中国西北、华北和东北。
这一工程的主体是在青藏高原。先在朔玛滩筑坝抬高水位，然后打隧洞引水到林芝工布江达的尼洋河，建水库回水至巴松湖，再打隧洞引水入易贡藏布，再筑坝建水库，回水沿霞曲上溯，再打隧洞引水到边坝进入怒江。在朔瓦巴筑怒江大坝提高水位，打隧洞至恩达，在昌都的澜沧江支流紫曲、昂曲和干流扎曲分别建连环水库，开隧洞引水到江达，入金沙江支流藏曲，导水入四川白玉赠曲，过分水岭到甘孜入雅砻江，再筑水库提高水位，引水入达曲，打隧洞到翁达，入大渡河的支流色曲和杜柯河，在两河口筑坝成库，再提水位，溯杜柯河过壤塘到南木达，入麻尔柯河。筑坝再提水位，回水到阿坝麦尔玛，过分水岭进贾曲，向北流入拉加峡的黄河大水库。
上面列出的引水线路，都是在藏区进行。即使不懂水利，也想象得出那么多筑坝、打洞和水库蓄水，会强烈地改变藏区地貌和生态，人民生活也不可能不受影响。暂且不说工程是否会带来所设想的效果，首先需要质疑之处，就是工程议论了十几年，国家正式考察，江泽民当政时亲自过问，现在胡、温也给予关注，全国人大会议和政协会议已有正式提案，118位将军和七百多位专家学者对此力挺，然而将受这一工程直接影响和冲击的藏人，却几乎没人听说过这个工程，更不要说被征求意见。
在考虑“西藏之水救中国”时，该不该问一下西藏人的意见呢？如果根本不在意西藏之水的主人——西藏人怎么想，那就不得不让人怀疑，救中国的代价会不会是牺牲西藏呢？而当西藏之水救了中国，谁又来救西藏？
2007年04月25日
2006年春，中共中央办公厅给中共政治局推荐的阅读书目中，一位中国军队作家写的《西藏之水救中国》列在第一。香港亚洲周刊透露，中共总书记胡锦涛、总理温家宝都读了该书，温家宝还作了批示。
《西藏之水救中国》一书极力鼓吹的，是一个中国民间水利专家构想的“大西线调水工程”方案——从雅鲁藏布江的朔玛滩到天津之间开一条运河，把相当于四条黄河年流量的两千亿立方米的水从西藏引到中国西北、华北和东北。
这一工程的主体是在青藏高原。先在朔玛滩筑坝抬高水位，然后打隧洞引水到林芝工布江达的尼洋河，建水库回水至巴松湖，再打隧洞引水入易贡藏布，再筑坝建水库，回水沿霞曲上溯，再打隧洞引水到边坝进入怒江。在朔瓦巴筑怒江大坝提高水位，打隧洞至恩达，在昌都的澜沧江支流紫曲、昂曲和干流扎曲分别建连环水库，开隧洞引水到江达，入金沙江支流藏曲，导水入四川白玉赠曲，过分水岭到甘孜入雅砻江，再筑水库提高水位，引水入达曲，打隧洞到翁达，入大渡河的支流色曲和杜柯河，在两河口筑坝成库，再提水位，溯杜柯河过壤塘到南木达，入麻尔柯河。筑坝再提水位，回水到阿坝麦尔玛，过分水岭进贾曲，向北流入拉加峡的黄河大水库。
上面列出的引水线路，都是在藏区进行。即使不懂水利，也想象得出那么多筑坝、打洞和水库蓄水，会强烈地改变藏区地貌和生态，人民生活也不可能不受影响。暂且不说工程是否会带来所设想的效果，首先需要质疑之处，就是工程议论了十几年，国家正式考察，江泽民当政时亲自过问，现在胡、温也给予关注，全国人大会议和政协会议已有正式提案，118位将军和七百多位专家学者对此力挺，然而将受这一工程直接影响和冲击的藏人，却几乎没人听说过这个工程，更不要说被征求意见。
在考虑“西藏之水救中国”时，该不该问一下西藏人的意见呢？如果根本不在意西藏之水的主人——西藏人怎么想，那就不得不让人怀疑，救中国的代价会不会是牺牲西藏呢？而当西藏之水救了中国，谁又来救西藏？
中共与达赖强硬扛上了 与达赖亲密合影成云烟
万维读者网 2007-08-04
万维读者网记者燕鸣综合报道：中共当局与目前在全球声誉日隆的达赖喇嘛再度强硬扛上了——一批西藏人由于要求释放一名公开呼吁让达赖喇嘛返回西藏的藏人而遭警方扣留。此前，中国出台建国后首部藏传佛教活佛转世规范管理法规──《藏传佛教活佛转世管理办法》。根据这部将于9月1日施行的法规规定，流亡国外的达赖如果不能放弃固有立场，而是继续在境外从事分裂国家的活动，其在境外的转世将不被中央认可。
出台管理办法 转世活佛需层层审批
据新京报记者徐春柳报道，近日，国家宗教事务局颁布《藏传佛教活佛转世管理办法》(以下简称《办法》)，办法规定了活佛转世必须具备三个条件，转世活佛的审批权限分四级。
《办法》共14条，包括转世原则、转世条件、审批程序、违法处罚等方面内容。《办法》以部门规章形式颁布，将活佛转世管理具体化，标志着我国对藏传佛教活佛转世管理进一步法制化。
《办法》第三条规定活佛转世必须具备三个条件，一是当地多数信教群众和寺庙管理组织要求转世；其次转世系统真实并传承至今；第三，申请活佛转世的寺庙系拟转世活佛僧籍所在寺，并为依法登记的藏传佛教活动场所，且具备培养和供养转世活佛的能力。
《办法》规定，根据活佛影响的大小，转世活佛的审批权限分四级，即省、自治区人民政府宗教事务部门；省、自治区人民政府；国家宗教事务局；国务院。未经相应的人民政府或宗教事务部门审批的所谓转世活佛，都是非法的和无效的。
“按照管理办法的规定，转世活佛应该有众多的信众，而且，其所在的寺院必须具备培养和供养转世活佛的能力，但是，这两条流亡国外的达赖都不具备，因此，他如果一意孤行，继续在境外从事分裂活动，其将来在境外的转世将不符合历史定制，也不合法规，将不被中央认可。”国家宗教事务局政策法规司司长陈宗荣表示。
据介绍，“活佛”，意为“幻化”或“化身”。公元十三世纪，西藏成为元朝中央政府直接管辖下的一个行政区域。忽必烈封萨迦派教主八思巴为“西天佛子，化身佛陀”。此后，人们开始称西藏高僧为“活佛”。
达赖认定的转世班禅在西藏上高中
据新华网西藏频道报道，西藏自治区副主席尼玛次仁日前在拉萨接受驻京外国记者进藏采访团采访时说，达赖认定的“班禅”是无效的、非法的，中央政府不予承认。
尼玛次仁在回答英国广播公司记者提问时表示，目前，达赖认定的“班禅”目前在西藏茁壮成长，他本人今年上高中，他的兄弟姐妹有的在上学，有的已经工作。
尼玛次仁说：“按照他本人的要求，不希望扰乱正常的生活，为此，我们尊重他的意见。他本人是爱国的，我们按照他的意愿，尊重他的生活。”
尼玛次仁在接受采访时还表示，中央政府与达赖之间的谈话通道一直是畅通的。他说：“达赖首先是政客，而不仅仅是宗教人士。旧西藏政教合一的最高领袖就是达赖，我们现在批判的是达赖和他所从事的分裂祖国的行径，而不是批判宗教。”
尼玛次仁说，从1979年至今，先后有20批达赖的私人代表团来到西藏或其他藏区。关键在于达赖本人能否彻底放弃“藏独”的立场和破坏活动。这涉及到中国国家安全，如果不放弃“藏独”立场，谈判就没有前提和基础。
他说：“达赖要求高度自治、大藏区等，实际上只是策略上的调整，本质上没有变化，没有看出放弃‘藏独’的立场，如果他真要放弃‘藏独’，就会有实际行动，但是至今没有看到行动。”
尼玛次仁还说，反对分裂，维护祖国统一，维护民族团结关系到西藏的根本利益。目前，西藏的绝大多数各族群众都拥护共产党的领导，但是，西藏也有个别人妄想恢复封建农奴制度，他们打着民族和宗教的旗帜，利用达赖的剩余价值，进行颠覆社会主义的活动，对此，我们坚决反对。
他说：“西藏人民像珍惜自己的眼睛一样，珍惜今天的幸福生活。”
藏人要求达赖回藏被扣留
另据BBC中文网，一批西藏人由于要求释放一名公开呼吁让达赖喇嘛返回西藏的藏人而遭警方扣留。
据美国自由亚洲电台和国际声援西藏运动组织周二(2日)引述当地消息指出，来自四川甘孜藏族自治州理塘县的一名50多岁的藏民，周三(1日)在当地一个赛马节举行的时候，发表要求达赖喇嘛返回西藏的言论。
报道说，这名藏人先走往台上向理塘寺院的主持奉上哈达，其后拿了扩音器对着群众说: “如果我们不能让达赖喇嘛返回西藏，我们不会有宗教自由和快乐。”
他又被指大喊“释放班禅喇嘛”等口号，他还要求族人停止就水源土地互相斗争。
报道又表示，这名藏人下台后，随即走到一名积极参与当地爱国教育活动的僧侣面前，公开指责他在处理宗教事务上持双重标准，随后继续高喊口号，其后被当地警方带走。
其后有藏人到达当地公安局要求放人。有消息表示曾经在当地扣留所附近听见枪声。
自由亚洲电台的报道又说，有20多名藏民被扣留，后来更多的藏人在扣留所外抗议，并指出后来共有200多名藏人被扣留。
美联社曾经致电理塘县公安局，一名接听电话的女士承认发生抗议后便挂线。
万维读者网记者燕鸣综合报道：中共当局与目前在全球声誉日隆的达赖喇嘛再度强硬扛上了——一批西藏人由于要求释放一名公开呼吁让达赖喇嘛返回西藏的藏人而遭警方扣留。此前，中国出台建国后首部藏传佛教活佛转世规范管理法规──《藏传佛教活佛转世管理办法》。根据这部将于9月1日施行的法规规定，流亡国外的达赖如果不能放弃固有立场，而是继续在境外从事分裂国家的活动，其在境外的转世将不被中央认可。
出台管理办法 转世活佛需层层审批
据新京报记者徐春柳报道，近日，国家宗教事务局颁布《藏传佛教活佛转世管理办法》(以下简称《办法》)，办法规定了活佛转世必须具备三个条件，转世活佛的审批权限分四级。
《办法》共14条，包括转世原则、转世条件、审批程序、违法处罚等方面内容。《办法》以部门规章形式颁布，将活佛转世管理具体化，标志着我国对藏传佛教活佛转世管理进一步法制化。
《办法》第三条规定活佛转世必须具备三个条件，一是当地多数信教群众和寺庙管理组织要求转世；其次转世系统真实并传承至今；第三，申请活佛转世的寺庙系拟转世活佛僧籍所在寺，并为依法登记的藏传佛教活动场所，且具备培养和供养转世活佛的能力。
《办法》规定，根据活佛影响的大小，转世活佛的审批权限分四级，即省、自治区人民政府宗教事务部门；省、自治区人民政府；国家宗教事务局；国务院。未经相应的人民政府或宗教事务部门审批的所谓转世活佛，都是非法的和无效的。
“按照管理办法的规定，转世活佛应该有众多的信众，而且，其所在的寺院必须具备培养和供养转世活佛的能力，但是，这两条流亡国外的达赖都不具备，因此，他如果一意孤行，继续在境外从事分裂活动，其将来在境外的转世将不符合历史定制，也不合法规，将不被中央认可。”国家宗教事务局政策法规司司长陈宗荣表示。
据介绍，“活佛”，意为“幻化”或“化身”。公元十三世纪，西藏成为元朝中央政府直接管辖下的一个行政区域。忽必烈封萨迦派教主八思巴为“西天佛子，化身佛陀”。此后，人们开始称西藏高僧为“活佛”。
达赖认定的转世班禅在西藏上高中
据新华网西藏频道报道，西藏自治区副主席尼玛次仁日前在拉萨接受驻京外国记者进藏采访团采访时说，达赖认定的“班禅”是无效的、非法的，中央政府不予承认。
尼玛次仁在回答英国广播公司记者提问时表示，目前，达赖认定的“班禅”目前在西藏茁壮成长，他本人今年上高中，他的兄弟姐妹有的在上学，有的已经工作。
尼玛次仁说：“按照他本人的要求，不希望扰乱正常的生活，为此，我们尊重他的意见。他本人是爱国的，我们按照他的意愿，尊重他的生活。”
尼玛次仁在接受采访时还表示，中央政府与达赖之间的谈话通道一直是畅通的。他说：“达赖首先是政客，而不仅仅是宗教人士。旧西藏政教合一的最高领袖就是达赖，我们现在批判的是达赖和他所从事的分裂祖国的行径，而不是批判宗教。”
尼玛次仁说，从1979年至今，先后有20批达赖的私人代表团来到西藏或其他藏区。关键在于达赖本人能否彻底放弃“藏独”的立场和破坏活动。这涉及到中国国家安全，如果不放弃“藏独”立场，谈判就没有前提和基础。
他说：“达赖要求高度自治、大藏区等，实际上只是策略上的调整，本质上没有变化，没有看出放弃‘藏独’的立场，如果他真要放弃‘藏独’，就会有实际行动，但是至今没有看到行动。”
尼玛次仁还说，反对分裂，维护祖国统一，维护民族团结关系到西藏的根本利益。目前，西藏的绝大多数各族群众都拥护共产党的领导，但是，西藏也有个别人妄想恢复封建农奴制度，他们打着民族和宗教的旗帜，利用达赖的剩余价值，进行颠覆社会主义的活动，对此，我们坚决反对。
他说：“西藏人民像珍惜自己的眼睛一样，珍惜今天的幸福生活。”
藏人要求达赖回藏被扣留
另据BBC中文网，一批西藏人由于要求释放一名公开呼吁让达赖喇嘛返回西藏的藏人而遭警方扣留。
据美国自由亚洲电台和国际声援西藏运动组织周二(2日)引述当地消息指出，来自四川甘孜藏族自治州理塘县的一名50多岁的藏民，周三(1日)在当地一个赛马节举行的时候，发表要求达赖喇嘛返回西藏的言论。
报道说，这名藏人先走往台上向理塘寺院的主持奉上哈达，其后拿了扩音器对着群众说: “如果我们不能让达赖喇嘛返回西藏，我们不会有宗教自由和快乐。”
他又被指大喊“释放班禅喇嘛”等口号，他还要求族人停止就水源土地互相斗争。
报道又表示，这名藏人下台后，随即走到一名积极参与当地爱国教育活动的僧侣面前，公开指责他在处理宗教事务上持双重标准，随后继续高喊口号，其后被当地警方带走。
其后有藏人到达当地公安局要求放人。有消息表示曾经在当地扣留所附近听见枪声。
自由亚洲电台的报道又说，有20多名藏民被扣留，后来更多的藏人在扣留所外抗议，并指出后来共有200多名藏人被扣留。
美联社曾经致电理塘县公安局，一名接听电话的女士承认发生抗议后便挂线。
Repression continues in Inner Mongolia under China
Thursday, July 26, 2007
Repression in Inner Mongolia continues as jailed journalist is mistreated and websites closed
Reporters Without Borders has renewed an appeal for the release of journalist, Hada [one name], a Mongolian political prisoner since 1995, whose family says he has recently been maltreated, and also condemned the denial of free expression online to the Mongolian minority.
"The slogan for the Beijing Olympics, ‘One World, One Dream’, leaves a bitter taste for China’s minorities," the worldwide press freedom organisation said. "Despite denials by the authorities, human rights violations are frequent against inhabitants of the occupied regions, Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia."
Hada, editor of The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, is regularly ill-treated in Chifeng jail where he is serving a 15-year prison sentence. His wife, Xinna, recently exposed the abuse which has been inflicted on him and said that his health was deteriorating as a result.
Governor of Inner Mongolia, Yang Jing, denied the accusations when questioned by Reuters news agency on 25 July. He rejected the possibility of Hada being released on the eve of the Beijing Olympics.
"He has been tried according to the law and we cannot interfere in the judicial process. China has its own laws and we act in accordance with them", he said. China, in 1988, ratified the UN Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
The European Parliament passed a resolution in September 1996, calling on the Chinese government to reopen the trial of Hada, in the presence of international observers, a request that the Chinese authorities ignored.
As well as editing The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, Hada was involved in the Southern Mongolian Democracy Alliance (SMDA), a human rights organisation campaigning for the rights of the minority in Inner Mongolia, which led to his sentence of 15 years for "separatism" and "espionage" in 1996.
The popular discussion forum Mongolian Youth Forum (www.mglzaluus.com/bbs) was closed by the authorities on 12 July. According to the Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Centre (SMHRIC), which contacted one of the site’s administrators, Elsen, the forum was censored because it was operating without permission. According to Elsen, the real problem was linked to frequent discussions it hosted about "ethnic problems" in the Chinese province.
The discussion forum, Nutuge, was earlier closed, in February 2004, on the orders of the Public Security Bureau after it posted a message considered to be "illegal". The forum, created in 2002, had become one of the most popular in Inner Mongolia and mainly dealt with Mongolian culture and history. It did not deal with "sensitive" political and religious questions.
Five other websites have reportedly been closed or blocked in recent months, according to the SMHRIC, for posting "separatist content" or "discussion of ethnic problems".
These were: Mongolian Landscape Forum- http://brgd.91x.net/bbs/, The New Tribe- http://www.huhe1121.com/php/index.php, Children of Grassland- www.minimongol.com, The Home of Mongols- http://ehoron.com/bbs/index.asp, and The Steppe-h ttp://www.talnutug.com.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
Repression in Inner Mongolia continues as jailed journalist is mistreated and websites closed
Reporters Without Borders has renewed an appeal for the release of journalist, Hada [one name], a Mongolian political prisoner since 1995, whose family says he has recently been maltreated, and also condemned the denial of free expression online to the Mongolian minority.
"The slogan for the Beijing Olympics, ‘One World, One Dream’, leaves a bitter taste for China’s minorities," the worldwide press freedom organisation said. "Despite denials by the authorities, human rights violations are frequent against inhabitants of the occupied regions, Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia."
Hada, editor of The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, is regularly ill-treated in Chifeng jail where he is serving a 15-year prison sentence. His wife, Xinna, recently exposed the abuse which has been inflicted on him and said that his health was deteriorating as a result.
Governor of Inner Mongolia, Yang Jing, denied the accusations when questioned by Reuters news agency on 25 July. He rejected the possibility of Hada being released on the eve of the Beijing Olympics.
"He has been tried according to the law and we cannot interfere in the judicial process. China has its own laws and we act in accordance with them", he said. China, in 1988, ratified the UN Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
The European Parliament passed a resolution in September 1996, calling on the Chinese government to reopen the trial of Hada, in the presence of international observers, a request that the Chinese authorities ignored.
As well as editing The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, Hada was involved in the Southern Mongolian Democracy Alliance (SMDA), a human rights organisation campaigning for the rights of the minority in Inner Mongolia, which led to his sentence of 15 years for "separatism" and "espionage" in 1996.
The popular discussion forum Mongolian Youth Forum (www.mglzaluus.com/bbs) was closed by the authorities on 12 July. According to the Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Centre (SMHRIC), which contacted one of the site’s administrators, Elsen, the forum was censored because it was operating without permission. According to Elsen, the real problem was linked to frequent discussions it hosted about "ethnic problems" in the Chinese province.
The discussion forum, Nutuge, was earlier closed, in February 2004, on the orders of the Public Security Bureau after it posted a message considered to be "illegal". The forum, created in 2002, had become one of the most popular in Inner Mongolia and mainly dealt with Mongolian culture and history. It did not deal with "sensitive" political and religious questions.
Five other websites have reportedly been closed or blocked in recent months, according to the SMHRIC, for posting "separatist content" or "discussion of ethnic problems".
These were: Mongolian Landscape Forum- http://brgd.91x.net/bbs/, The New Tribe- http://www.huhe1121.com/php/index.php, Children of Grassland- www.minimongol.com, The Home of Mongols- http://ehoron.com/bbs/index.asp, and The Steppe-h ttp://www.talnutug.com.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Monday, July 25, 2011
中共对内蒙古的镇压继续延续
发布者：内蒙古人民党 - 7月27日
Repression continues in Inner Mongolia under China
July 26, 2007 ]
Repression in Inner Mongolia continues as jailed journalist is mistreated and websites closed
Reporters Without Borders has renewed an appeal for the release of journalist, Hada [one name], a Mongolian political prisoner since 1995, whose family says he has recently been maltreated, and also condemned the denial of free expression online to the Mongolian minority.
"The slogan for the Beijing Olympics, ‘One World, One Dream’, leaves a bitter taste for China’s minorities," the worldwide press freedom organisation said. "Despite denials by the authorities, human rights violations are frequent against inhabitants of the occupied regions, Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia."
Hada, editor of The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, is regularly ill-treated in Chifeng jail where he is serving a 15-year prison sentence. His wife, Xinna, recently exposed the abuse which has been inflicted on him and said that his health was deteriorating as a result.
Governor of Inner Mongolia, Yang Jing, denied the accusations when questioned by Reuters news agency on 25 July. He rejected the possibility of Hada being released on the eve of the Beijing Olympics.
"He has been tried according to the law and we cannot interfere in the judicial process. China has its own laws and we act in accordance with them", he said. China, in 1988, ratified the UN Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
The European Parliament passed a resolution in September 1996, calling on the Chinese government to reopen the trial of Hada, in the presence of international observers, a request that the Chinese authorities ignored.
As well as editing The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, Hada was involved in the Southern Mongolian Democracy Alliance (SMDA), a human rights organisation campaigning for the rights of the minority in Inner Mongolia, which led to his sentence of 15 years for "separatism" and "espionage" in 1996.
The popular discussion forum Mongolian Youth Forum (www.mglzaluus.com/bbs) was closed by the authorities on 12 July. According to the Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Centre (SMHRIC), which contacted one of the site’s administrators, Elsen, the forum was censored because it was operating without permission. According to Elsen, the real problem was linked to frequent discussions it hosted about "ethnic problems" in the Chinese province.
The discussion forum, Nutuge, was earlier closed, in February 2004, on the orders of the Public Security Bureau after it posted a message considered to be "illegal". The forum, created in 2002, had become one of the most popular in Inner Mongolia and mainly dealt with Mongolian culture and history. It did not deal with "sensitive" political and religious questions.
Five other websites have reportedly been closed or blocked in recent months, according to the SMHRIC, for posting "separatist content" or "discussion of ethnic problems".
These were: Mongolian Landscape Forum- http://brgd.91x.net/bbs/, The New Tribe- http://www.huhe1121.com/php/index.php, Children of Grassland- www.minimongol.com, The Home of Mongols- http://ehoron.com/bbs/index.asp, and The Steppe-h ttp://www.talnutug.com.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
Repression continues in Inner Mongolia under China
July 26, 2007 ]
Repression in Inner Mongolia continues as jailed journalist is mistreated and websites closed
Reporters Without Borders has renewed an appeal for the release of journalist, Hada [one name], a Mongolian political prisoner since 1995, whose family says he has recently been maltreated, and also condemned the denial of free expression online to the Mongolian minority.
"The slogan for the Beijing Olympics, ‘One World, One Dream’, leaves a bitter taste for China’s minorities," the worldwide press freedom organisation said. "Despite denials by the authorities, human rights violations are frequent against inhabitants of the occupied regions, Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia."
Hada, editor of The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, is regularly ill-treated in Chifeng jail where he is serving a 15-year prison sentence. His wife, Xinna, recently exposed the abuse which has been inflicted on him and said that his health was deteriorating as a result.
Governor of Inner Mongolia, Yang Jing, denied the accusations when questioned by Reuters news agency on 25 July. He rejected the possibility of Hada being released on the eve of the Beijing Olympics.
"He has been tried according to the law and we cannot interfere in the judicial process. China has its own laws and we act in accordance with them", he said. China, in 1988, ratified the UN Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
The European Parliament passed a resolution in September 1996, calling on the Chinese government to reopen the trial of Hada, in the presence of international observers, a request that the Chinese authorities ignored.
As well as editing The Voice of the Southern Mongolia, Hada was involved in the Southern Mongolian Democracy Alliance (SMDA), a human rights organisation campaigning for the rights of the minority in Inner Mongolia, which led to his sentence of 15 years for "separatism" and "espionage" in 1996.
The popular discussion forum Mongolian Youth Forum (www.mglzaluus.com/bbs) was closed by the authorities on 12 July. According to the Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Centre (SMHRIC), which contacted one of the site’s administrators, Elsen, the forum was censored because it was operating without permission. According to Elsen, the real problem was linked to frequent discussions it hosted about "ethnic problems" in the Chinese province.
The discussion forum, Nutuge, was earlier closed, in February 2004, on the orders of the Public Security Bureau after it posted a message considered to be "illegal". The forum, created in 2002, had become one of the most popular in Inner Mongolia and mainly dealt with Mongolian culture and history. It did not deal with "sensitive" political and religious questions.
Five other websites have reportedly been closed or blocked in recent months, according to the SMHRIC, for posting "separatist content" or "discussion of ethnic problems".
These were: Mongolian Landscape Forum- http://brgd.91x.net/bbs/, The New Tribe- http://www.huhe1121.com/php/index.php, Children of Grassland- www.minimongol.com, The Home of Mongols- http://ehoron.com/bbs/index.asp, and The Steppe-h ttp://www.talnutug.com.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
Nepal Supreme Court decides in favor of Tibetan Refugees
By Mikel Dunham
July 14, 2011
The Supreme Court of Nepal has ordered the release of a group of 12 Tibetans after finding that their 20 days in detention was “without reasonable explanation… and that said detention is illegal,” according to court documents obtained by the International Campaign for Tibet.
The 12 were ordered released on July 10 and is the second instance in little over a year in which the Supreme Court of Nepal has ordered the release of a group of Tibetans detained in Kathmandu on political grounds. On March 22, 2010, the Supreme Court ordered the release of three young Tibetan men, Sherap Dhondup, Sonam Dhondup and Kelsang Dhondup, who were detained in Boudhanath neighborhood of Kathmandu on March 9 and accused of “posing a threat to Nepal-China relations,” with the police also claiming they found weapons on the Tibetans, an allegation that the Tibetans denied while talking to reporters, saying it was “totally fabricated” (ICT report).
“The Nepal Supreme Court’s ruling clearly points to the political nature of these detentions, highlighting the precarious situation Tibetans face in Nepal,” said Mary Beth Markey, President of the International Campaign for Tibet. “This is an encouraging indication of the independence of the judicial system in Nepal despite Beijing’s pressure on Nepal to crackdown on activities it deems to be ‘anti-China.’ Given the blatant disregard for the law as demonstrated by the police, the Chief District Officer and other officials involved in favor of political enforcement, it seems the only way for Tibetans to avoid detention over the specter of ‘anti-China’ activities is for Tibetans to renounce their very identity,” said Markey.
The 12 Tibetans ordered released on July 10 had been detained since June 21 following their participation in a candlelight vigil in the Boudhanath neighborhood of Kathmandu to express solidarity with Tibetan demonstrators in Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan province who are currently under an intense security crackdown (ICT report). The prosecutor’s office accused the Tibetans of organizing an “anti-China” activity “harmful to China-Nepal foreign relations,” according to an ICT monitor in Kathmandu. The Nepal Supreme Court chastised the Boudhanath police, the Chief District Officer and the prosecutor’s office involved in the detention for failing to provide a written explanation to the court for the Tibetans’ detention and for failing to issue arrest warrants for the Tibetans, according to the court documents.
ABUSE IN DETENTION
Also, according to the ICT report, among the 12 Tibetans recently released was a 39-year old Tibetan man, who was beaten with a bamboo baton and accused of being the main organizer of “anti-China” activities in Kathmandu. In addition to physical abuse, he was coerced into signing a confession and then locked overnight without drinking water in a bathroom at the Boudhanath police station. He told ICT that the DSP (Deputy Superintendent of Police) of the Boudhanath police station called him to his office, where there were another six or seven police officers, and accused him of organizing the candlelight vigil that evening. The Tibetan told him that he took part in the vigil, but that he wasn’t the organizer. The DSP then got angry and slapped him in the face several times, dragged him by the hair onto the office floor, and accused him of being the main “Free Tibet” activist in Kathmandu. Other police officers recorded the questioning and beating on video. He told ICT: “Even though I was not an organizer of the vigil, he [the DSP] told me: ‘If you don’t confess, I will kill you tonight.’ Then he beat me with a bamboo stick. He hit me all over my body, but mostly on my legs. Then the DSP hit my knees and my stomach a few times while pulling my hair. I thought he was going to kill me and then I confessed and said I was the organizer. Then he punched my mouth and locked me in the toilet with no drinking water or anything until 8am the next day.”
You can help to fight injustice toward Tibetan refugees in Nepal by supporting my new book, Caught in Nepal: Tibetan Refugees photographing Tibetan Refugees.
July 14, 2011
The Supreme Court of Nepal has ordered the release of a group of 12 Tibetans after finding that their 20 days in detention was “without reasonable explanation… and that said detention is illegal,” according to court documents obtained by the International Campaign for Tibet.
The 12 were ordered released on July 10 and is the second instance in little over a year in which the Supreme Court of Nepal has ordered the release of a group of Tibetans detained in Kathmandu on political grounds. On March 22, 2010, the Supreme Court ordered the release of three young Tibetan men, Sherap Dhondup, Sonam Dhondup and Kelsang Dhondup, who were detained in Boudhanath neighborhood of Kathmandu on March 9 and accused of “posing a threat to Nepal-China relations,” with the police also claiming they found weapons on the Tibetans, an allegation that the Tibetans denied while talking to reporters, saying it was “totally fabricated” (ICT report).
“The Nepal Supreme Court’s ruling clearly points to the political nature of these detentions, highlighting the precarious situation Tibetans face in Nepal,” said Mary Beth Markey, President of the International Campaign for Tibet. “This is an encouraging indication of the independence of the judicial system in Nepal despite Beijing’s pressure on Nepal to crackdown on activities it deems to be ‘anti-China.’ Given the blatant disregard for the law as demonstrated by the police, the Chief District Officer and other officials involved in favor of political enforcement, it seems the only way for Tibetans to avoid detention over the specter of ‘anti-China’ activities is for Tibetans to renounce their very identity,” said Markey.
The 12 Tibetans ordered released on July 10 had been detained since June 21 following their participation in a candlelight vigil in the Boudhanath neighborhood of Kathmandu to express solidarity with Tibetan demonstrators in Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan province who are currently under an intense security crackdown (ICT report). The prosecutor’s office accused the Tibetans of organizing an “anti-China” activity “harmful to China-Nepal foreign relations,” according to an ICT monitor in Kathmandu. The Nepal Supreme Court chastised the Boudhanath police, the Chief District Officer and the prosecutor’s office involved in the detention for failing to provide a written explanation to the court for the Tibetans’ detention and for failing to issue arrest warrants for the Tibetans, according to the court documents.
ABUSE IN DETENTION
Also, according to the ICT report, among the 12 Tibetans recently released was a 39-year old Tibetan man, who was beaten with a bamboo baton and accused of being the main organizer of “anti-China” activities in Kathmandu. In addition to physical abuse, he was coerced into signing a confession and then locked overnight without drinking water in a bathroom at the Boudhanath police station. He told ICT that the DSP (Deputy Superintendent of Police) of the Boudhanath police station called him to his office, where there were another six or seven police officers, and accused him of organizing the candlelight vigil that evening. The Tibetan told him that he took part in the vigil, but that he wasn’t the organizer. The DSP then got angry and slapped him in the face several times, dragged him by the hair onto the office floor, and accused him of being the main “Free Tibet” activist in Kathmandu. Other police officers recorded the questioning and beating on video. He told ICT: “Even though I was not an organizer of the vigil, he [the DSP] told me: ‘If you don’t confess, I will kill you tonight.’ Then he beat me with a bamboo stick. He hit me all over my body, but mostly on my legs. Then the DSP hit my knees and my stomach a few times while pulling my hair. I thought he was going to kill me and then I confessed and said I was the organizer. Then he punched my mouth and locked me in the toilet with no drinking water or anything until 8am the next day.”
You can help to fight injustice toward Tibetan refugees in Nepal by supporting my new book, Caught in Nepal: Tibetan Refugees photographing Tibetan Refugees.
Troubling T-Shirts in Holy Times: The Impropriety of Being Political
By Topden Tsering
If you thought it’s only in China-occupied Tibet that perils can be brought upon your head for asserting your Tibetanness, think again!
Last week, at the Dalai Lama’s Kalachakra transmission venue in Washington D.C., Kalden Lodoe, President of Capital Area Tibetan Association (CATA), also one of the event’s organizers, threw out Tsewang Rigzin, President of Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), over the sale of T-shirts bearing the words, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile.” The neighboring Students for a Free Tibet (SFT)-stall was also forced to close down. The ejected activist-leader later took to his Facebook page; he wrote he’d been told the wording on the merchandise was too political, and that Mr. Lodoe had threatened to call security on him. Subsequently, at a TYC Centrex-called press conference in Dharamsala, Mr. Lodoe was condemned for his “appalling behavior” and urged to tender a public apology.
A cursory review of the incident might paint the debacle as issuing from one man’s act of sheer tactlessness, which, given the hallowed magnitude of the prevailing ceremony, serve best being swept under the carpet, as an isolated unfortunate occurrence. A little “Akha kha,” and onward with the more pressing dalliance with the divinity: that sudden upswing of faith, those many vows. However, a closer inspection of the episode reveals truths that go beyond mere approximation of the Tibetan free speech. It shines light, following the recent Tibetan administration name-change, on the murky misappropriation that has entered measured discussions about Tibetan democracy and the Tibetan freedom movement.
To be fair to CATA board members, by most accounts, the organizing committee has done a commendable job in pulling off this momentous gathering. Upon enquiry by this author, Kalden Lodoe told me that both TYC and Students for a Free Tibet (SFT) had been given free booths outside the Verizon Center for the groups to sell their merchandise. At one point, for a day, TYC was allocated a table inside, along with SFT, although it had been barred from bringing in its “Tibetan Youth Congress Kalachakra Souvenir T-shirts” banner. The furor unfolded the next morning when Mr. Lodoe sent Mr. Rigzin and his TYC stall packing, on the ground that the Tibetan Government-in-Exile message on the T-shirts was too political. Few hours later, the SFT booth was also kicked out; Tenzin Dorjee, the organization's executive director, was not present then. In his explanation to this author, Mr. Lodoe made, what appeared like, a slip that he and Tsewang Rigzin had had a tense relationship to begin with. Even if the possibility of private score-settling, and by turn abuse of one’s public position, were to be only marginally deduced, the disturbing ramifications it attaches to the issue remain undisputedly worrisome. That however shall not be a focus of this analysis.
What is of note is Mr. Lodoe’s disapproval, in a tone strikingly discordant with the event’s World Peace theme, of the T-shirts’ message as being too political. A torrent of abuses was hurled; thick-bodied, weapons-carrying security personnel were hinted at. A witness (a seasoned activist whose name has been withheld on request) likened Mr. Lodoe’s behavior to that of a tyrant; he said Mr. Rigzin was subjected to public humiliation. In fairness, a certain set of circumstances would have made understandable, excusable even, such response, namely, if Mr. Rigzin had overstepped the limit of basic courtesy, by doing such things as disrespecting his hosts, or fueling confrontation. That absenting, it translates that Mr. Lodoe’s action was an assault not only on the person of Mr. Rigzin, but also on TYC, an organization which has, for the last four decades, embodied the spirit of Tibetan resistance to China’s occupation. In as much as the forced closure was equally an insult to SFT, whose activism record is unparalleled. Amid the crumbling edifice of the larger official universe, the two groups' remain that rare voice which not only acts a litmus test to Free Speech but underpins the very integrity of exile Tibetan existence, which is to keep aloft the struggle for a Free Tibet.
Too Political
The “too political” reference by Mr. Lodoe, who’s by profession a newscaster for Radio Free Asia Tibetan Service, warrants scrutiny. It is safe to assume that the organizing committee had known all along the nature of merchandise TYC had on display, both when it was tabled outside the Verizon Center, and briefly inside. As such the question arises as to when exactly did the organizing committee — if the eviction was a collective decision, as Mr. Lodoe claims — wake up to its realization that the Tibetan Government-in-Exile as an expression, if only on T-shirts, deserved nothing short of censorship. What changed that particular day? More urgently, at which exact point in place, during the slogan’s journey, past the location ground, through its several doors, from the exterior to the interior, did it become political beyond tolerance?
Mr. Lodoe told me, early on, the committee had agreed that nothing political would be allowed inside the venue. The fact that there were tables for Free Panchen Lama, as well as International Campaign for Tibet (ICT), with their flyers and pamphlets which called attention to a problem inside Tibet that was essentially political in nature, makes the explanation flimsy. So while literature which extolled freedom aspirations of Tibetan people, reverberating with echoes of a land ravaged and a people enslaved, were okay, a phrase that had, until two months ago, proudly graced the plaque of every administration office in Dharamsala was not? A name that had been interchangeable with the Dalai Lama; a name now half banned, half preserved; killed before its time; destined for purgatory ahead of (if the signs are any indication) its cousin slogans such as “Free Tibet” and symbols such as our flag, our national anthem?
The nomenclature retrofitting had happened abruptly, seemingly unconstitutionally. As a proposed charter amendment, some 400 Tibetan representatives at a hurriedly-convened Second National General Meeting in May had unanimously rejected the idea; still it got passed in the Tibetan parliament without a fuss. What was earlier Tibetan Government-in-Exile had been changed to Institution of Tibetan People. Prior to this, in English and in official rendering, the administration had identified itself as Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Its appearance, in Tibetan, as “Tibetan Government-in-Exile,” had underscored its truer purpose, while the language’s exclusivity providing it impunity from legal stringencies; like many things Tibetan in our dislocated reality, this exercise in the vague had so far worked without much, if not any, casualty. By way of explanation, the outgoing Chief of Cabinet, Samdhong Rinpoche, referred to some pending cases in the Himachal Pradesh court, several negative reports in newspapers in south India, and cuts in Frederick Norman Foundation funds. He was also quick to add it was only the form that had changed, the content remained the same; “the legitimate government of Tibet established since 1642 has absolutely not been dissolved.”
Consequently, it should follow that if not on a signboard outside a Tibetan office, at least on a T-shirt front, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile” could be allowed to live. If not in Tibet, if not in India, at least in the capital of the United States of America, that citadel of the American First Amendment which renders inviolable one’s right to freedom of expression, where T-shirts occupy an almost hallowed sanctum ─ as a popular cultural wall on which to post one’s political, intellectual and religious beliefs, or counter-beliefs, however radical, however ludicrous.
The Dalai Lama Connection
It is not unlikely that when Mr. Lodoe made the “too political” reference, he made it with respect to the Dalai Lama (presuming the pronouncement was not made in deference to the Chinese government, which implication is usually first to come to mind when one hears the words, “too political”). Explaining the name change in March, the Dalai Lama had said he had exercised his unique prerogative, from his standpoint of the fourteenth in the line, rescinding the traditional system of Tibetan government, Bhod Zhung Gadhen Phodrang Choklei Namgyal, as had been instituted by his predecessor, the Great Fifth Dalai Lama. This abnegation of traditional theocracy, despite its apparent congruity with Tibetan democratization process, seemingly warranting accolades from secularization proponents, considering its timing and intent, both expressed and otherwise, however bear ramifications not too dissimilar from the Dalai Lama’s 1988 Strasbourg Proposal, which many regard as the first of His Holiness’ series of capitulation to the Chinese government in hopes of securing greater freedom for Tibet; given that Beijing has so far demonstrated no reciprocation, given its ever-hardening stance on Tibet, this could also well be the one most damaging to Tibetan national identity, to the Tibetan freedom struggle.
It requires little emphasis that the Tibetan national identity derives its legitimacy from the four hundred year-old Bhod Zhung Gadhen Phodrang, as had been established by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama, credited with unifying the Tibetan heartland, with aid from Gushi Khan, a powerful Mongol chieftain, whose association was subsequently uninvolved. It marked not only the first pan-Tibetan civil administration, but also lent an unprecedented political, also international some might argue, personality to Tibetan nation that persisted to the day when the current Dalai Lama escaped to India, as the legitimate head of a country which China had militarily occupied, up until the present time of His Holiness’ announcement. This government served the basis for Tibetan denunciation of Chinese occupation, later echoed in such international legal validation as the 1961 United Nations resolution backing Tibetan self-determination. And it was this government which thus far provided credence to Tibetan outrage against Chinese atrocities as a systematic annihilation of a people, of a culture, of a way of life.
It is against this backdrop that the progressive Tibetan call for separation of politics from religion finds accompaniment in the shared conviction that it is in Tibet’s interest for His Holiness to remain a ceremonial head of state. Precedents for such arrangements can be found in the monarchy systems of the United Kingdom, Spain and Japan, to name a few; Charles de Gaulle, considered the most influential leader in modern French history, described the head of state as embodying “the spirit of the nation” for the nation itself and the world.
The Inherent Pitfalls
Viewed from the perspective of Middle Way policy supporters, it can be argued that the Dalai Lama’s dismantling of the traditional Tibetan governance followed His Holiness’ endeavor to earn Beijing’s trust; after all, China has time and again accused the Dalai Lama of harboring separatist impulses, pointing to the inconsistencies of a national leader asking for genuine autonomy, in which framework Chinese political dominion is accepted without question. However, the ground realities inside Tibet, China’s policies on the issue, diplomatic international conversations surrounding them, all confirm, what Elliot Sperling has recently concluded in his article, “The Tibetan Movement Pulls the Plug on Itself: Advantage China,” that, “there is no imaginable reason for China to abandon a strategy which, though intransigent, achieves its aims. China fully understands that its rise as a world power has sharply diminished the need to placate international critics on an issue that is not a vital interest to other powers.”
Conversely, if, by a long shot, the Chinese government were to positively respond to the Dalai Lama’s negotiations efforts, pursuant to its conditions, His Holiness will be treated as a private citizen, with no legal clout on behalf of Tibetan people. The question then arises, again by a long shot, should a discussion over the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet materializes tomorrow, will His Holiness be making the trip solely as a spiritual leader, whose top priorities being, as one interview in a foreign newspaper enumerated, to champion global peace, to propagate Tibetan Buddhism, and to foster inter-faith harmony, the betterment of the Tibetan fate appearing only as a footnote. In such a scenario, His Holiness’ repeated utterances that the Tibet issue is not about his person, but the fate of six million Tibetans will be rendered moot.
The Dalai Lama’s cancellation of the Tibetan government, rather hastily, goes beyond such innate contradictions; it lays bare the inextricable nature of politics and religion in the Tibetan context which if injudiciously dispensed with portends the absolute hara-kiri of the Tibetan hope for greater freedom, from the conservatives’ standpoint, and the independence struggle, from the viewpoint of Rangzen advocates. Furthermore, considering inherent to Tibetan evocation of freedom are the Tibetan national flag and the Tibetan national anthem, both of which bear mixed vocabulary of spiritual and political, even granting their appearances only in the early and mid 20th century respectively, it might appear they too risk being banned. Already, Samdhong Rinpoche and the Kashag have previously issued circulars discouraging Free Tibet protests, against which backdrop it might not seem far-fetched if one day “Free Tibet” as a slogan also came under similar attack.
In light of these evaluations one hopes that the Tibetan administration restores the government core of its identity, and that, in reflection of real separation of politics from religion, His Holiness remains a ceremonial head of state, the entire political decision-making devolved, not just in name but in the true sense of the word, to the newly-elect Kalon Tripa, Dr. Lobsang Sangay, and the exile parliament.
Only then will be possible a sound basis for the realization of the twin objectives as widely iterated by Dr. Sangay, namely, reinstatement of His Holiness on his throne in the Potala Palace, and freedom for Tibet. Because minus the political impetus, minus the historical association, the Potala will be just a hollowed structure, crowded with deities and depopulated of humans, an imagery which had often troubled His Holiness when a mere boy. Reduced to another place of worship whose walls one’s forehead to touch against, its centrality in the larger scheme of Tibetan identity, cultural or political, will be irrevocably lost. Just as the goal of freedom for Tibet will be rendered ambiguous in the absence of a reference such as a government which had once embodied the country as an independent nation, free of external oppression or influence.
Given these realities, one can understand why TYC had made T-shirts which explicitly declared, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile.” At the heart of the organization’s avowed goal, which is independence for Tibet, is the unflappable conviction that Tibet was once independent; therefore, it would have been inconsistent for TYC not to have designed those T-shirts, just as, where it had always sold political message-laden merchandise at other Kalachakra sites, the organization would have been remiss not to do the same at the Washington D.C. venue. It is against this light that one has to recognize the expressed outrage by those who point to the indiscretion of the T-shirts’ appearance at the Dalai Lama’s “Wheel of Time” teaching as nothing but missing the wood for the trees.
If, as elucidated in Ronald D. Schwarz’s “Circle of Protest: Political Ritual in the Tibetan Uprising,” a book about the Tibetan revolt from 1987 through 1992, in the monks’ spearheading of the uprising for Tibet’s freedom they had incorporated religious rituals, such as lighting offering lamps before a protest or circling the Jokhang temple before heading toward Chinese offices, it goes without saying that the same inter-dependence could be allowed expression at a hazard-free occasion such as a Kalachakra transmission in the United States. After all, it was not a defamatory slogan against the Dalai Lama that the T-shirts addressed, but the very aspirations for which Tibetans inside Tibet laid down their lives, which they continue to do even today.
The Kalden Lodoe Factor
Curiously, while justifying the abnegation of the traditional Tibetan government, His Holiness, in his address to the Tibetans at the Kalachakra event, asserted that, despite the name-change, the administration had not eschewed its responsibility to represent the oppressed Tibetans inside China-occupied Tibet. He too affirmed that in content, more than just in form, the Tibetan government endured.
Given the above clarification, the effrontery by Kalden Lodoe confirms his position as that of a tyrant, one who’s bent on censorship. His effort to silence is not the first instance of a Tibetan association head in the United States bearing its weight against an activist group such as Tibetan Youth Congress. Often in the past, the group’s regional chapters, be it in Portland, be it in San Francisco, or elsewhere, have felt stifled in their activism endeavors, courtesy the circulars, discouraging Free Tibet protests, issued by Shamdhong Rinpoche and Kashag; the pronouncements by Rinpoche likening the Tibetan Youth Congress activists to Chinese government and Shugden propitiators call for a separate discussion.
In the case of Kalden Lodoe, it will be wise for him to submit an apology to Tsewang Rigzin as well as TYC, not only to absolve himself, but also CATA and the Kalachakra Organizing Committee, whose good works his personal misjudgment threatens to derail. Such admission of wrongdoing will also help safeguard the integrity of Tibetan freedom struggle, which cannot be perceived in any other way than political, and protect those who uphold their right to asserting their Tibetanness, above all else, from undemocratic censorship.
If you thought it’s only in China-occupied Tibet that perils can be brought upon your head for asserting your Tibetanness, think again!
Last week, at the Dalai Lama’s Kalachakra transmission venue in Washington D.C., Kalden Lodoe, President of Capital Area Tibetan Association (CATA), also one of the event’s organizers, threw out Tsewang Rigzin, President of Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), over the sale of T-shirts bearing the words, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile.” The neighboring Students for a Free Tibet (SFT)-stall was also forced to close down. The ejected activist-leader later took to his Facebook page; he wrote he’d been told the wording on the merchandise was too political, and that Mr. Lodoe had threatened to call security on him. Subsequently, at a TYC Centrex-called press conference in Dharamsala, Mr. Lodoe was condemned for his “appalling behavior” and urged to tender a public apology.
A cursory review of the incident might paint the debacle as issuing from one man’s act of sheer tactlessness, which, given the hallowed magnitude of the prevailing ceremony, serve best being swept under the carpet, as an isolated unfortunate occurrence. A little “Akha kha,” and onward with the more pressing dalliance with the divinity: that sudden upswing of faith, those many vows. However, a closer inspection of the episode reveals truths that go beyond mere approximation of the Tibetan free speech. It shines light, following the recent Tibetan administration name-change, on the murky misappropriation that has entered measured discussions about Tibetan democracy and the Tibetan freedom movement.
To be fair to CATA board members, by most accounts, the organizing committee has done a commendable job in pulling off this momentous gathering. Upon enquiry by this author, Kalden Lodoe told me that both TYC and Students for a Free Tibet (SFT) had been given free booths outside the Verizon Center for the groups to sell their merchandise. At one point, for a day, TYC was allocated a table inside, along with SFT, although it had been barred from bringing in its “Tibetan Youth Congress Kalachakra Souvenir T-shirts” banner. The furor unfolded the next morning when Mr. Lodoe sent Mr. Rigzin and his TYC stall packing, on the ground that the Tibetan Government-in-Exile message on the T-shirts was too political. Few hours later, the SFT booth was also kicked out; Tenzin Dorjee, the organization's executive director, was not present then. In his explanation to this author, Mr. Lodoe made, what appeared like, a slip that he and Tsewang Rigzin had had a tense relationship to begin with. Even if the possibility of private score-settling, and by turn abuse of one’s public position, were to be only marginally deduced, the disturbing ramifications it attaches to the issue remain undisputedly worrisome. That however shall not be a focus of this analysis.
What is of note is Mr. Lodoe’s disapproval, in a tone strikingly discordant with the event’s World Peace theme, of the T-shirts’ message as being too political. A torrent of abuses was hurled; thick-bodied, weapons-carrying security personnel were hinted at. A witness (a seasoned activist whose name has been withheld on request) likened Mr. Lodoe’s behavior to that of a tyrant; he said Mr. Rigzin was subjected to public humiliation. In fairness, a certain set of circumstances would have made understandable, excusable even, such response, namely, if Mr. Rigzin had overstepped the limit of basic courtesy, by doing such things as disrespecting his hosts, or fueling confrontation. That absenting, it translates that Mr. Lodoe’s action was an assault not only on the person of Mr. Rigzin, but also on TYC, an organization which has, for the last four decades, embodied the spirit of Tibetan resistance to China’s occupation. In as much as the forced closure was equally an insult to SFT, whose activism record is unparalleled. Amid the crumbling edifice of the larger official universe, the two groups' remain that rare voice which not only acts a litmus test to Free Speech but underpins the very integrity of exile Tibetan existence, which is to keep aloft the struggle for a Free Tibet.
Too Political
The “too political” reference by Mr. Lodoe, who’s by profession a newscaster for Radio Free Asia Tibetan Service, warrants scrutiny. It is safe to assume that the organizing committee had known all along the nature of merchandise TYC had on display, both when it was tabled outside the Verizon Center, and briefly inside. As such the question arises as to when exactly did the organizing committee — if the eviction was a collective decision, as Mr. Lodoe claims — wake up to its realization that the Tibetan Government-in-Exile as an expression, if only on T-shirts, deserved nothing short of censorship. What changed that particular day? More urgently, at which exact point in place, during the slogan’s journey, past the location ground, through its several doors, from the exterior to the interior, did it become political beyond tolerance?
Mr. Lodoe told me, early on, the committee had agreed that nothing political would be allowed inside the venue. The fact that there were tables for Free Panchen Lama, as well as International Campaign for Tibet (ICT), with their flyers and pamphlets which called attention to a problem inside Tibet that was essentially political in nature, makes the explanation flimsy. So while literature which extolled freedom aspirations of Tibetan people, reverberating with echoes of a land ravaged and a people enslaved, were okay, a phrase that had, until two months ago, proudly graced the plaque of every administration office in Dharamsala was not? A name that had been interchangeable with the Dalai Lama; a name now half banned, half preserved; killed before its time; destined for purgatory ahead of (if the signs are any indication) its cousin slogans such as “Free Tibet” and symbols such as our flag, our national anthem?
The nomenclature retrofitting had happened abruptly, seemingly unconstitutionally. As a proposed charter amendment, some 400 Tibetan representatives at a hurriedly-convened Second National General Meeting in May had unanimously rejected the idea; still it got passed in the Tibetan parliament without a fuss. What was earlier Tibetan Government-in-Exile had been changed to Institution of Tibetan People. Prior to this, in English and in official rendering, the administration had identified itself as Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Its appearance, in Tibetan, as “Tibetan Government-in-Exile,” had underscored its truer purpose, while the language’s exclusivity providing it impunity from legal stringencies; like many things Tibetan in our dislocated reality, this exercise in the vague had so far worked without much, if not any, casualty. By way of explanation, the outgoing Chief of Cabinet, Samdhong Rinpoche, referred to some pending cases in the Himachal Pradesh court, several negative reports in newspapers in south India, and cuts in Frederick Norman Foundation funds. He was also quick to add it was only the form that had changed, the content remained the same; “the legitimate government of Tibet established since 1642 has absolutely not been dissolved.”
Consequently, it should follow that if not on a signboard outside a Tibetan office, at least on a T-shirt front, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile” could be allowed to live. If not in Tibet, if not in India, at least in the capital of the United States of America, that citadel of the American First Amendment which renders inviolable one’s right to freedom of expression, where T-shirts occupy an almost hallowed sanctum ─ as a popular cultural wall on which to post one’s political, intellectual and religious beliefs, or counter-beliefs, however radical, however ludicrous.
The Dalai Lama Connection
It is not unlikely that when Mr. Lodoe made the “too political” reference, he made it with respect to the Dalai Lama (presuming the pronouncement was not made in deference to the Chinese government, which implication is usually first to come to mind when one hears the words, “too political”). Explaining the name change in March, the Dalai Lama had said he had exercised his unique prerogative, from his standpoint of the fourteenth in the line, rescinding the traditional system of Tibetan government, Bhod Zhung Gadhen Phodrang Choklei Namgyal, as had been instituted by his predecessor, the Great Fifth Dalai Lama. This abnegation of traditional theocracy, despite its apparent congruity with Tibetan democratization process, seemingly warranting accolades from secularization proponents, considering its timing and intent, both expressed and otherwise, however bear ramifications not too dissimilar from the Dalai Lama’s 1988 Strasbourg Proposal, which many regard as the first of His Holiness’ series of capitulation to the Chinese government in hopes of securing greater freedom for Tibet; given that Beijing has so far demonstrated no reciprocation, given its ever-hardening stance on Tibet, this could also well be the one most damaging to Tibetan national identity, to the Tibetan freedom struggle.
It requires little emphasis that the Tibetan national identity derives its legitimacy from the four hundred year-old Bhod Zhung Gadhen Phodrang, as had been established by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama, credited with unifying the Tibetan heartland, with aid from Gushi Khan, a powerful Mongol chieftain, whose association was subsequently uninvolved. It marked not only the first pan-Tibetan civil administration, but also lent an unprecedented political, also international some might argue, personality to Tibetan nation that persisted to the day when the current Dalai Lama escaped to India, as the legitimate head of a country which China had militarily occupied, up until the present time of His Holiness’ announcement. This government served the basis for Tibetan denunciation of Chinese occupation, later echoed in such international legal validation as the 1961 United Nations resolution backing Tibetan self-determination. And it was this government which thus far provided credence to Tibetan outrage against Chinese atrocities as a systematic annihilation of a people, of a culture, of a way of life.
It is against this backdrop that the progressive Tibetan call for separation of politics from religion finds accompaniment in the shared conviction that it is in Tibet’s interest for His Holiness to remain a ceremonial head of state. Precedents for such arrangements can be found in the monarchy systems of the United Kingdom, Spain and Japan, to name a few; Charles de Gaulle, considered the most influential leader in modern French history, described the head of state as embodying “the spirit of the nation” for the nation itself and the world.
The Inherent Pitfalls
Viewed from the perspective of Middle Way policy supporters, it can be argued that the Dalai Lama’s dismantling of the traditional Tibetan governance followed His Holiness’ endeavor to earn Beijing’s trust; after all, China has time and again accused the Dalai Lama of harboring separatist impulses, pointing to the inconsistencies of a national leader asking for genuine autonomy, in which framework Chinese political dominion is accepted without question. However, the ground realities inside Tibet, China’s policies on the issue, diplomatic international conversations surrounding them, all confirm, what Elliot Sperling has recently concluded in his article, “The Tibetan Movement Pulls the Plug on Itself: Advantage China,” that, “there is no imaginable reason for China to abandon a strategy which, though intransigent, achieves its aims. China fully understands that its rise as a world power has sharply diminished the need to placate international critics on an issue that is not a vital interest to other powers.”
Conversely, if, by a long shot, the Chinese government were to positively respond to the Dalai Lama’s negotiations efforts, pursuant to its conditions, His Holiness will be treated as a private citizen, with no legal clout on behalf of Tibetan people. The question then arises, again by a long shot, should a discussion over the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet materializes tomorrow, will His Holiness be making the trip solely as a spiritual leader, whose top priorities being, as one interview in a foreign newspaper enumerated, to champion global peace, to propagate Tibetan Buddhism, and to foster inter-faith harmony, the betterment of the Tibetan fate appearing only as a footnote. In such a scenario, His Holiness’ repeated utterances that the Tibet issue is not about his person, but the fate of six million Tibetans will be rendered moot.
The Dalai Lama’s cancellation of the Tibetan government, rather hastily, goes beyond such innate contradictions; it lays bare the inextricable nature of politics and religion in the Tibetan context which if injudiciously dispensed with portends the absolute hara-kiri of the Tibetan hope for greater freedom, from the conservatives’ standpoint, and the independence struggle, from the viewpoint of Rangzen advocates. Furthermore, considering inherent to Tibetan evocation of freedom are the Tibetan national flag and the Tibetan national anthem, both of which bear mixed vocabulary of spiritual and political, even granting their appearances only in the early and mid 20th century respectively, it might appear they too risk being banned. Already, Samdhong Rinpoche and the Kashag have previously issued circulars discouraging Free Tibet protests, against which backdrop it might not seem far-fetched if one day “Free Tibet” as a slogan also came under similar attack.
In light of these evaluations one hopes that the Tibetan administration restores the government core of its identity, and that, in reflection of real separation of politics from religion, His Holiness remains a ceremonial head of state, the entire political decision-making devolved, not just in name but in the true sense of the word, to the newly-elect Kalon Tripa, Dr. Lobsang Sangay, and the exile parliament.
Only then will be possible a sound basis for the realization of the twin objectives as widely iterated by Dr. Sangay, namely, reinstatement of His Holiness on his throne in the Potala Palace, and freedom for Tibet. Because minus the political impetus, minus the historical association, the Potala will be just a hollowed structure, crowded with deities and depopulated of humans, an imagery which had often troubled His Holiness when a mere boy. Reduced to another place of worship whose walls one’s forehead to touch against, its centrality in the larger scheme of Tibetan identity, cultural or political, will be irrevocably lost. Just as the goal of freedom for Tibet will be rendered ambiguous in the absence of a reference such as a government which had once embodied the country as an independent nation, free of external oppression or influence.
Given these realities, one can understand why TYC had made T-shirts which explicitly declared, “Tibetan Government-in-Exile.” At the heart of the organization’s avowed goal, which is independence for Tibet, is the unflappable conviction that Tibet was once independent; therefore, it would have been inconsistent for TYC not to have designed those T-shirts, just as, where it had always sold political message-laden merchandise at other Kalachakra sites, the organization would have been remiss not to do the same at the Washington D.C. venue. It is against this light that one has to recognize the expressed outrage by those who point to the indiscretion of the T-shirts’ appearance at the Dalai Lama’s “Wheel of Time” teaching as nothing but missing the wood for the trees.
If, as elucidated in Ronald D. Schwarz’s “Circle of Protest: Political Ritual in the Tibetan Uprising,” a book about the Tibetan revolt from 1987 through 1992, in the monks’ spearheading of the uprising for Tibet’s freedom they had incorporated religious rituals, such as lighting offering lamps before a protest or circling the Jokhang temple before heading toward Chinese offices, it goes without saying that the same inter-dependence could be allowed expression at a hazard-free occasion such as a Kalachakra transmission in the United States. After all, it was not a defamatory slogan against the Dalai Lama that the T-shirts addressed, but the very aspirations for which Tibetans inside Tibet laid down their lives, which they continue to do even today.
The Kalden Lodoe Factor
Curiously, while justifying the abnegation of the traditional Tibetan government, His Holiness, in his address to the Tibetans at the Kalachakra event, asserted that, despite the name-change, the administration had not eschewed its responsibility to represent the oppressed Tibetans inside China-occupied Tibet. He too affirmed that in content, more than just in form, the Tibetan government endured.
Given the above clarification, the effrontery by Kalden Lodoe confirms his position as that of a tyrant, one who’s bent on censorship. His effort to silence is not the first instance of a Tibetan association head in the United States bearing its weight against an activist group such as Tibetan Youth Congress. Often in the past, the group’s regional chapters, be it in Portland, be it in San Francisco, or elsewhere, have felt stifled in their activism endeavors, courtesy the circulars, discouraging Free Tibet protests, issued by Shamdhong Rinpoche and Kashag; the pronouncements by Rinpoche likening the Tibetan Youth Congress activists to Chinese government and Shugden propitiators call for a separate discussion.
In the case of Kalden Lodoe, it will be wise for him to submit an apology to Tsewang Rigzin as well as TYC, not only to absolve himself, but also CATA and the Kalachakra Organizing Committee, whose good works his personal misjudgment threatens to derail. Such admission of wrongdoing will also help safeguard the integrity of Tibetan freedom struggle, which cannot be perceived in any other way than political, and protect those who uphold their right to asserting their Tibetanness, above all else, from undemocratic censorship.
Sunday, July 24, 2011
达赖喇嘛指中国领导人愚蠢、孩子气
美国之音
记者: 叶兵 | 华盛顿
西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛表示，中国领导人尖锐斥责他，并对他进行妖魔化的言词显示了他们很孩子气，而且很愚蠢。
达赖喇嘛最近在接受美国的滚石杂志专访时说，中国的统治者们希望让藏人和中国人都相信他是个百分之百的负面力量，所以才使用那些言词。达赖喇嘛说，中国领导人“实际上在侮辱他们自己。”他说：“我的意思是，孩子气，非常愚蠢，没人相信他们。”
北京指责达赖喇嘛是分裂分子。美国总统奥巴马上星期在白宫再次会见达赖喇嘛之后，引起了北京的强烈不满。
记者: 叶兵 | 华盛顿
西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛表示，中国领导人尖锐斥责他，并对他进行妖魔化的言词显示了他们很孩子气，而且很愚蠢。
达赖喇嘛最近在接受美国的滚石杂志专访时说，中国的统治者们希望让藏人和中国人都相信他是个百分之百的负面力量，所以才使用那些言词。达赖喇嘛说，中国领导人“实际上在侮辱他们自己。”他说：“我的意思是，孩子气，非常愚蠢，没人相信他们。”
北京指责达赖喇嘛是分裂分子。美国总统奥巴马上星期在白宫再次会见达赖喇嘛之后，引起了北京的强烈不满。
Thursday, July 21, 2011
藏人不断抗议是处于被逼
洛桑森格：
西藏之声
7月21日报导
新当选的西藏流亡政府首席部长洛桑森格于本周二（19日）在纽约亚洲协会发言时强调，藏人对中共政府的高压统治深感不满，人们处于被逼无奈，才陆续开展各种抗议活动。
据新唐人电视消息，即将在8月份上任的西藏流亡政府首席部长洛桑森格在纽约亚洲协会谈到，如果中共政府能按照已有的法律行事，藏人就获得自治。洛桑森格在座谈中再次阐明，藏人要求的不是独立，而是自治。
他说：（录音）“藏人代表送给北京有关藏人寻求名副其实自治的建议中写明，如果中国政府执行自己的法律和宪法，包括1984年的民族区域自治法，把从前保证的都兑现，这就算给藏人自治了。”
洛桑森格还表示，过去在拉萨大昭寺，人们去朝拜文成公主从中国带去的佛像。而今天的大昭寺布满持枪军警、便衣，屋顶有狙击手、监视器。中共占领西藏60年后，习进平在层层军警的严密把持下进藏参加庆祝活动，不许游客进入，其实是变相戒严。说明中共对西藏的政策是失败的。
洛桑桑格说：（录音）“人们对压迫相当不满。上街抗议，成百成百的人被关押。200多人被杀。”
洛桑森格表示，在中国进行抗议被打死的风险是很高的。之所以还有接连不断的抗议，是因为人们没有出路。
洛桑森格说：（录音）“信仰是心的归宿和一种信念。作为藏人，我们的心和信念和达赖喇嘛在一起。”
至于西藏流亡政府的称呼问题上，洛桑森格表示，他本人不能这么称呼，因为有政治与法律敏感度。但是，他又强调藏人行政中央具备政府职能，有7个部门，467 位官员，与其它的政府没有不同。
西藏之声
7月21日报导
新当选的西藏流亡政府首席部长洛桑森格于本周二（19日）在纽约亚洲协会发言时强调，藏人对中共政府的高压统治深感不满，人们处于被逼无奈，才陆续开展各种抗议活动。
据新唐人电视消息，即将在8月份上任的西藏流亡政府首席部长洛桑森格在纽约亚洲协会谈到，如果中共政府能按照已有的法律行事，藏人就获得自治。洛桑森格在座谈中再次阐明，藏人要求的不是独立，而是自治。
他说：（录音）“藏人代表送给北京有关藏人寻求名副其实自治的建议中写明，如果中国政府执行自己的法律和宪法，包括1984年的民族区域自治法，把从前保证的都兑现，这就算给藏人自治了。”
洛桑森格还表示，过去在拉萨大昭寺，人们去朝拜文成公主从中国带去的佛像。而今天的大昭寺布满持枪军警、便衣，屋顶有狙击手、监视器。中共占领西藏60年后，习进平在层层军警的严密把持下进藏参加庆祝活动，不许游客进入，其实是变相戒严。说明中共对西藏的政策是失败的。
洛桑桑格说：（录音）“人们对压迫相当不满。上街抗议，成百成百的人被关押。200多人被杀。”
洛桑森格表示，在中国进行抗议被打死的风险是很高的。之所以还有接连不断的抗议，是因为人们没有出路。
洛桑森格说：（录音）“信仰是心的归宿和一种信念。作为藏人，我们的心和信念和达赖喇嘛在一起。”
至于西藏流亡政府的称呼问题上，洛桑森格表示，他本人不能这么称呼，因为有政治与法律敏感度。但是，他又强调藏人行政中央具备政府职能，有7个部门，467 位官员，与其它的政府没有不同。
Wednesday, June 15, 2011
Monday, June 13, 2011
联合国人权理事会强烈谴责尼泊尔迫害西藏难民
西藏之声6月11日报导
正在瑞士日内瓦召开的联合国第17次会议于本周二（7日）针对尼泊尔举行普遍定期审议（Universal Periodic Review），与会国际代表就尼泊尔在中共施压下，迫害西藏难民提出强烈谴责，并敦促当局保障他们的权益。
据国际声援西藏运动网消息，非洲人权捍卫组织 （African Assembly for the Defense of Human Rights ）代表纳亚克（Manish Nayak ）在会上指出，尼泊尔限制西藏难民举行示威和自由运动，这一举动很明显践踏了言论自由这一基本的权利。
反种族歧视和人民友谊运动（Movement Against Racism and for Friendship between Peoples ）、亚洲原住民族与部落民族网络（Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Network）和受威胁组织（Society for Threatened Peoples）发表联合声明，呼吁尼泊尔当局准许西藏难民定居，避免将逃脱迫害的藏人转交给中国政府，保障居住在该国中西藏难民的基本权益。
此外，当天联合国人权理事会就尼泊尔举行普遍定期审议（Universal Periodic Review）时，其它国际组织代表也纷纷就尼泊尔在中共施压下，迫害西藏难民提出强烈谴责。
这批与会代表所提出的具体问题包括去年西藏流亡社区举行2011年大选初选时，尼泊尔当局强行夺走当地西藏难民投票箱；2003年5月31日，当局把18名逃亡藏人转交给中共政府以及中共向转交逃亡藏人的尼泊尔军警开设奖励活动等。
正在瑞士日内瓦召开的联合国第17次会议于本周二（7日）针对尼泊尔举行普遍定期审议（Universal Periodic Review），与会国际代表就尼泊尔在中共施压下，迫害西藏难民提出强烈谴责，并敦促当局保障他们的权益。
据国际声援西藏运动网消息，非洲人权捍卫组织 （African Assembly for the Defense of Human Rights ）代表纳亚克（Manish Nayak ）在会上指出，尼泊尔限制西藏难民举行示威和自由运动，这一举动很明显践踏了言论自由这一基本的权利。
反种族歧视和人民友谊运动（Movement Against Racism and for Friendship between Peoples ）、亚洲原住民族与部落民族网络（Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Network）和受威胁组织（Society for Threatened Peoples）发表联合声明，呼吁尼泊尔当局准许西藏难民定居，避免将逃脱迫害的藏人转交给中国政府，保障居住在该国中西藏难民的基本权益。
此外，当天联合国人权理事会就尼泊尔举行普遍定期审议（Universal Periodic Review）时，其它国际组织代表也纷纷就尼泊尔在中共施压下，迫害西藏难民提出强烈谴责。
这批与会代表所提出的具体问题包括去年西藏流亡社区举行2011年大选初选时，尼泊尔当局强行夺走当地西藏难民投票箱；2003年5月31日，当局把18名逃亡藏人转交给中共政府以及中共向转交逃亡藏人的尼泊尔军警开设奖励活动等。
『我们需要的是慈悲心，而不是金钱
达赖喇嘛尊者：
2011年 06月 11日
『国际西藏邮报2011年6月11日达兰萨拉报导』墨尔本：达赖喇嘛尊者周六上午在墨尔本，向成千上万的追随者发表扣人心弦的演说；尊者说，虽然金钱可以提供暂时的物质快乐，但真正快乐的关键要素，是具备慈悲和关爱的内在和平。
谈及真正的快乐，尊者倡议宽恕、包容及耐心；人类的挫折感和寂寞感，完全肇因于贪婪、不知足，应找寻建立快乐、幸福的世界，胜过我们在社会影响下充满欲望的生活。
尊者谈到灌输我们「从幼儿园到大学」孩子们，道德的重要性，要求澳大利亚追随者「培育下一代的慈悲心」。周二晚上，接受澳洲流行7号频道主持人戴夫．休斯专访时，达赖喇嘛也表示，虽然他的生活非常忙碌，但是「忙得很有意义」，而且非常值得。
尊者带来的信息，深受墨尔本人民的喜爱，显然在尊者的话语里得到安慰。一名即将成为父亲的观众告诉记者，尊者的话语让他觉得培育他即将到来的孩子深具信心，希望「能够为我的孩子付出更多的感情，并且鼓励他们在人生的旅程上，更多的学习。」谈到达赖喇嘛，该名男子补充说，「尊者总是超越宗教...带来的话语，并不是严格地只从佛教徒的角度来看，而是从人类的角度来看。」
完全不浪费一丝一毫的时间，西藏精神领袖接着在墨尔本展览会议中心一场记者俱乐部午宴时，为650名难民开示；尊者强调，民主的重要性，如同「最好的制度」，并告诉与会群众，「我一直认为 ...改变一定会到来。因此，我们都是逃离极权制度的难民，所以有充足的理由感到乐观。」
尊者在本次活动中，会见了来自4个地区，目前居住在墨尔本的难民，缅甸、厄立特里亚(非洲国家)、中国和越南。达赖喇嘛尊者的开示，为「所有难民带来希望」。
尊者在墨尔本度过女王生日的长周末，讲授佛法，然后前往澳洲首都堪培拉，并在那里会见国会议员、绿党领袖布朗和反对党领袖艾伯特。之后，将赴布里斯班和珀斯讲授佛法。
关于尊者访问澳大利亚行程进一步的信息，及佛法授的入场卷请购，均可以透过http://www.dalailamainaustralia.org/default.aspx 网站查询。7月24日在澳洲全国各地将发起「在澳洲为西藏而走Walk for Tibet in Australia」活动，而尊者11天访澳行程提早了一个月时间。
2011年 06月 11日
『国际西藏邮报2011年6月11日达兰萨拉报导』墨尔本：达赖喇嘛尊者周六上午在墨尔本，向成千上万的追随者发表扣人心弦的演说；尊者说，虽然金钱可以提供暂时的物质快乐，但真正快乐的关键要素，是具备慈悲和关爱的内在和平。
谈及真正的快乐，尊者倡议宽恕、包容及耐心；人类的挫折感和寂寞感，完全肇因于贪婪、不知足，应找寻建立快乐、幸福的世界，胜过我们在社会影响下充满欲望的生活。
尊者谈到灌输我们「从幼儿园到大学」孩子们，道德的重要性，要求澳大利亚追随者「培育下一代的慈悲心」。周二晚上，接受澳洲流行7号频道主持人戴夫．休斯专访时，达赖喇嘛也表示，虽然他的生活非常忙碌，但是「忙得很有意义」，而且非常值得。
尊者带来的信息，深受墨尔本人民的喜爱，显然在尊者的话语里得到安慰。一名即将成为父亲的观众告诉记者，尊者的话语让他觉得培育他即将到来的孩子深具信心，希望「能够为我的孩子付出更多的感情，并且鼓励他们在人生的旅程上，更多的学习。」谈到达赖喇嘛，该名男子补充说，「尊者总是超越宗教...带来的话语，并不是严格地只从佛教徒的角度来看，而是从人类的角度来看。」
完全不浪费一丝一毫的时间，西藏精神领袖接着在墨尔本展览会议中心一场记者俱乐部午宴时，为650名难民开示；尊者强调，民主的重要性，如同「最好的制度」，并告诉与会群众，「我一直认为 ...改变一定会到来。因此，我们都是逃离极权制度的难民，所以有充足的理由感到乐观。」
尊者在本次活动中，会见了来自4个地区，目前居住在墨尔本的难民，缅甸、厄立特里亚(非洲国家)、中国和越南。达赖喇嘛尊者的开示，为「所有难民带来希望」。
尊者在墨尔本度过女王生日的长周末，讲授佛法，然后前往澳洲首都堪培拉，并在那里会见国会议员、绿党领袖布朗和反对党领袖艾伯特。之后，将赴布里斯班和珀斯讲授佛法。
关于尊者访问澳大利亚行程进一步的信息，及佛法授的入场卷请购，均可以透过http://www.dalailamainaustralia.org/default.aspx 网站查询。7月24日在澳洲全国各地将发起「在澳洲为西藏而走Walk for Tibet in Australia」活动，而尊者11天访澳行程提早了一个月时间。
Friday, June 10, 2011
西藏甘孜县发生示威两名僧人被捕
【挪威西藏之声6月7日报导】位于西藏康区甘孜州甘孜县境内昨天（6日）发生示威游行活动，两名僧人遭到中共公安的残酷毒打和拘捕。
现居住在印度的康区藏人丹增南嘉引述境内可靠消息向本台介绍说，（录音）昨天6月6日上午10多钟，两名西藏僧人在甘孜县公安局110前，高呼“达赖喇嘛万岁”、“允许至尊达赖喇嘛返回西藏”等口号，散发大量传单进行和平示威活动。
丹增南嘉表示，（录音）自2008年西藏各地发生和平示威活动后，仅在甘孜县城就设有7、8所军营。据当地藏人透露，当两名僧人展开和平示威活动后，几十名中共公安和武警来到现场，用一种尖锐的铁棍毒打两名西藏僧人，导致两名僧人的头部等身体多处受伤，同时，中共军警手中的铁棍和道路上沾满鲜血，气氛异常紧张。
丹增南嘉继续表示，（录音）两名西藏僧人昨天（6日）开展较长时间的和平示威活动时，还向民众散发了大量传单，当时，在甘孜县城的很多藏人也纷纷参与抗议活动，高呼达赖喇嘛万岁等口号，支持和声援两名僧人所开展的示威活动。
据介绍，因开展和平示威活动而遭到中共军警残酷毒打和拘捕的两名西藏僧人，都是甘孜县甘孜寺僧人，其名字等具体情况不详。
现居住在印度的康区藏人丹增南嘉引述境内可靠消息向本台介绍说，（录音）昨天6月6日上午10多钟，两名西藏僧人在甘孜县公安局110前，高呼“达赖喇嘛万岁”、“允许至尊达赖喇嘛返回西藏”等口号，散发大量传单进行和平示威活动。
丹增南嘉表示，（录音）自2008年西藏各地发生和平示威活动后，仅在甘孜县城就设有7、8所军营。据当地藏人透露，当两名僧人展开和平示威活动后，几十名中共公安和武警来到现场，用一种尖锐的铁棍毒打两名西藏僧人，导致两名僧人的头部等身体多处受伤，同时，中共军警手中的铁棍和道路上沾满鲜血，气氛异常紧张。
丹增南嘉继续表示，（录音）两名西藏僧人昨天（6日）开展较长时间的和平示威活动时，还向民众散发了大量传单，当时，在甘孜县城的很多藏人也纷纷参与抗议活动，高呼达赖喇嘛万岁等口号，支持和声援两名僧人所开展的示威活动。
据介绍，因开展和平示威活动而遭到中共军警残酷毒打和拘捕的两名西藏僧人，都是甘孜县甘孜寺僧人，其名字等具体情况不详。
达赖喇嘛向西藏流亡政府总理交权
2011年5月31日
BBC中文网
西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛已正式交出行政大权，但依然是藏人团结的象征。
法新社引述达赖喇嘛的发言人周一（5月30日）说，达赖喇嘛已经把行政大权移交给今年4月当选的西藏流亡政府总理桑盖及其领导的流亡政府。
观察人士认为，旅居美国15年的哈佛大学法律专业藏人学者桑盖将利用多年积累的国际联系促进西藏事业。
现年43岁的桑盖号召藏人同心协力，结束藏人被占领的苦难，争取让达赖喇嘛早日返回拉萨的布达拉宫。
今年3月，75岁的达赖喇嘛宣布他准备退出政坛，交出行政大权。
不再兼任行政事务的达赖喇嘛仍然是西藏精神领袖，对重大事务的决策仍有很大的影响力。
但从他手中接权的桑盖却因此将在流亡藏人政治舞台上扮演更重要、更显著的角色。
达赖喇嘛在刚刚过去的周末签字批准了关于他交权的西藏流亡政府宪法修订案。
他的发言人说，达赖喇嘛今后将把更多时间用于促进人性价值观的普及和增进宗教间的沟通理解。
十四世达赖交出行政大权是流亡藏人内部改革，建立和促进民主机制努力的一部分。
桑盖在学生时期支持西藏独立，但现在公开表示赞同达赖喇嘛提出的寻求西藏“有意义自治”的中间道路。
BBC中文网
西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛已正式交出行政大权，但依然是藏人团结的象征。
法新社引述达赖喇嘛的发言人周一（5月30日）说，达赖喇嘛已经把行政大权移交给今年4月当选的西藏流亡政府总理桑盖及其领导的流亡政府。
观察人士认为，旅居美国15年的哈佛大学法律专业藏人学者桑盖将利用多年积累的国际联系促进西藏事业。
现年43岁的桑盖号召藏人同心协力，结束藏人被占领的苦难，争取让达赖喇嘛早日返回拉萨的布达拉宫。
今年3月，75岁的达赖喇嘛宣布他准备退出政坛，交出行政大权。
不再兼任行政事务的达赖喇嘛仍然是西藏精神领袖，对重大事务的决策仍有很大的影响力。
但从他手中接权的桑盖却因此将在流亡藏人政治舞台上扮演更重要、更显著的角色。
达赖喇嘛在刚刚过去的周末签字批准了关于他交权的西藏流亡政府宪法修订案。
他的发言人说，达赖喇嘛今后将把更多时间用于促进人性价值观的普及和增进宗教间的沟通理解。
十四世达赖交出行政大权是流亡藏人内部改革，建立和促进民主机制努力的一部分。
桑盖在学生时期支持西藏独立，但现在公开表示赞同达赖喇嘛提出的寻求西藏“有意义自治”的中间道路。
西藏90%是藏族成果被汉族拿走属造谣
时间:2011-05-19 | 来源：人民网 | 作者：高星
国务院新闻办今天上午举行新闻发布会，邀请西藏自治区人民政府主席白玛赤林介绍西藏和平解放60年发展情况及取得的成就。发布会上，美联社记者提出西藏经济发展的成果大多数为迁移到西藏的汉族人所享受，对此，白玛赤林表示，西藏90%都是藏族同志，说在西藏经济发展起来以后，都被汉族拿走，这纯属造谣。
白玛赤林介绍了西藏人口的成份，1959年西藏人口144万，第六次人口普查时达到300多万人。民族成份的比例大概是这样的：藏族占90.2%，汉族占8%多，其他民族占1%多一点点，这是这次人口普查以后的统计数字。
白玛赤林指出，西藏90%都是藏族同志，“三包”政策在内的学生受教育等都牵涉不到汉族，都是当地的藏族和其他少数民族享受的特殊政策。所以可以明确地说，西藏的发展成果是由西藏人民在享受，不是哪些人带走了，不存在这个问题。
责任编辑：达娃
国务院新闻办今天上午举行新闻发布会，邀请西藏自治区人民政府主席白玛赤林介绍西藏和平解放60年发展情况及取得的成就。发布会上，美联社记者提出西藏经济发展的成果大多数为迁移到西藏的汉族人所享受，对此，白玛赤林表示，西藏90%都是藏族同志，说在西藏经济发展起来以后，都被汉族拿走，这纯属造谣。
白玛赤林介绍了西藏人口的成份，1959年西藏人口144万，第六次人口普查时达到300多万人。民族成份的比例大概是这样的：藏族占90.2%，汉族占8%多，其他民族占1%多一点点，这是这次人口普查以后的统计数字。
白玛赤林指出，西藏90%都是藏族同志，“三包”政策在内的学生受教育等都牵涉不到汉族，都是当地的藏族和其他少数民族享受的特殊政策。所以可以明确地说，西藏的发展成果是由西藏人民在享受，不是哪些人带走了，不存在这个问题。
责任编辑：达娃
两百多名格德寺僧人遭中共驱逐
西藏之声 - 6月10日
中共政府无视国际社会的强烈呼吁，依然部署大批军警严密管控西藏安多阿坝僧俗民众以外，近日还宣布已驱逐格德寺200多名僧人。
位于印度北部达兰萨拉的格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西向本台介绍说，（录音）截至目前，中共当局强令格德寺寺管委员会盖章，正式宣布已驱逐了200多名僧人，并宣称如果寺院方面无法收购这些被驱逐出寺的僧人僧舍，当局决定进行拆除等。
近来有格德寺僧人和阿坝藏人陆续遭到中共当局的拘捕。洛桑益西表示，（录音）西藏安多阿坝县麦日玛乡第二大队现年23岁的格德寺僧人格培和麦尔玛乡第一大队现年30岁的藏人阿甲甲近期被拘捕，其中阿甲甲是被指控涉嫌西藏僧人平措自焚后带头民众和平集会为罪名遭捕。
洛桑益西表示，目前中共公安、武警和特警部队依然严控阿坝县城和格德寺，继续在寺院中开展所谓的爱国主义教育运动，其间每一位僧人都有一名专派的工作人员监督，格德寺内的全部活动都由一位姓金的阿坝州统战部部长和另一名副部长全权负责。
洛桑益西说，（录音）上月26日，中共工作人员向格德寺每一位僧人强行发放所谓的工资，其中很多僧人拒绝接纳后，中共当局拘捕了20多名僧人，但具体情况不详。
洛桑益西还说，目前中共当局在格德寺北面设立两顶军营帐篷，寺院东门和西门左右各设一顶军营帐篷，西面的佛塔下方设立三顶军营帐篷，寺院正方大门旁边设立4顶军营帐篷，全面包围寺院，此外，在格德寺经堂大殿和空僧舍中都安排军警进驻，对僧人的举动进行日夜监控。
中共政府无视国际社会的强烈呼吁，依然部署大批军警严密管控西藏安多阿坝僧俗民众以外，近日还宣布已驱逐格德寺200多名僧人。
位于印度北部达兰萨拉的格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西向本台介绍说，（录音）截至目前，中共当局强令格德寺寺管委员会盖章，正式宣布已驱逐了200多名僧人，并宣称如果寺院方面无法收购这些被驱逐出寺的僧人僧舍，当局决定进行拆除等。
近来有格德寺僧人和阿坝藏人陆续遭到中共当局的拘捕。洛桑益西表示，（录音）西藏安多阿坝县麦日玛乡第二大队现年23岁的格德寺僧人格培和麦尔玛乡第一大队现年30岁的藏人阿甲甲近期被拘捕，其中阿甲甲是被指控涉嫌西藏僧人平措自焚后带头民众和平集会为罪名遭捕。
洛桑益西表示，目前中共公安、武警和特警部队依然严控阿坝县城和格德寺，继续在寺院中开展所谓的爱国主义教育运动，其间每一位僧人都有一名专派的工作人员监督，格德寺内的全部活动都由一位姓金的阿坝州统战部部长和另一名副部长全权负责。
洛桑益西说，（录音）上月26日，中共工作人员向格德寺每一位僧人强行发放所谓的工资，其中很多僧人拒绝接纳后，中共当局拘捕了20多名僧人，但具体情况不详。
洛桑益西还说，目前中共当局在格德寺北面设立两顶军营帐篷，寺院东门和西门左右各设一顶军营帐篷，西面的佛塔下方设立三顶军营帐篷，寺院正方大门旁边设立4顶军营帐篷，全面包围寺院，此外，在格德寺经堂大殿和空僧舍中都安排军警进驻，对僧人的举动进行日夜监控。
达赖喇嘛隐退对流亡政府的影响
作者：王力雄
转自：唯色博客
达赖喇嘛卸掉西藏政府的政治职务，被视为流亡西藏彻底完成民主化的标志。虽然他实际上已长期不参与世俗政府的工作，但他的正式卸职还是会带来一些变化。
有的变化是形式，只需更换一下程序，无足轻重。实质性的变化，主要在达赖喇嘛以往掌管的藏中会谈可能带来的影响。
以往会谈，藏方代表的身份是达赖喇嘛特使。那身份具有微妙地位，可以视为私人性质，因此被中方所接受，也是中方始终称呼“达赖喇嘛私人代表”的原因；但同时，因为达赖喇嘛是西藏流亡政府的法定元首，因此也可以代表西藏流亡政府。达赖喇嘛正是利用这种交叉身份和中国政府会谈，才把西藏流亡政府带入国际社会的视野。而当达赖喇嘛卸掉政治职务时，便失去了这种关联。
以往中国方面并不想会谈真正取得进展，只是因为达赖喇嘛在国际社会的威望，以及对境内藏人的宗教地位，拒绝接触难以交代。而只要有会谈，因为达赖喇嘛的元首身份，就不能不涉及西藏政治问题和西藏流亡政府。虽然明知不会有实际结果，西藏方面仍然积极会谈，并始终作为中心议题，除了意图表达藏方解决问题的诚意，还有一个潜在目的，就是通过会谈在国际上突显西藏流亡政府的存在，将自己提升到代表全体藏人的地位。应该说，以往藏中会谈确实起到了这种作用，可视为西藏流亡政府取得的主要收获。
今后，不排除中国方面还会和达赖喇嘛代表接触。相信达赖喇嘛的代表那时仍会表示不谈达赖喇嘛个人问题，只谈西藏问题。但是中国方面现在可以拒绝，理由就是达赖喇嘛不在其位，不谋其政，达赖喇嘛除了个人问题，已经没有别的好谈。如果达赖喇嘛坚持不谈个人问题，中国方面就会说中断对话不是自己的责任了。
而对西藏流亡政府，中国方面一定拒绝接触。除了出于傲慢的心态，也是不给其进入藏中关系领域的机会，防止其在国际社会面前的曝光。在那种情况下，流亡政府单方面的声音，如同对着空气打拳，引不起世界关注，逐步落入被淡忘的状态。流亡政府这种被边缘化的前景，有可能是达赖喇嘛卸掉政治职责后，需要考虑和解决的主要问题之一。
2011-5-3
（本文为RFA藏语节目，转载请注明。）
The Effects of Dalai Lama’s Retirement on the Exile Government
Written by Wang Lixiong
Translated by Ogyen
The Dalai Lama retiring from politics is a sign of completing the exile Tibetan government's democratization process. Although he has not been much involved in politics for the recent years, his formal retirement entails some changes.
Some of the changes are merely structural that can be simply adjusted with procedural changes and so not of much importance. Substantial changes, however, will be on the Sino-Tibetan dialogues the Dalai Lama used to be in charge of.
In the past dialogues, Tibetan representatives were regarded merely as the special envoys of the Dalai Lama, which was an insignificant identity with personal nature and thus the Chinese side could accept and they also used to call them "special envoys of the Dalai Lama". However, meanwhile, being the legal head of the exile government, the Dalai Lama could also represent the government. Just because of the dialogues held through this cross-identity, the Dalai Lama could manage to bring the Tibetan exile government to popularity among the international community. This relevance is lost with the devolution of his political power.
Chinese government did not want actual progress in the past talks, but because of the Dalai Lama’s prestige among the international community and his spiritual position to the Tibetan people inside Tibet, rejecting contact with him could hardly be explained. As long as there were talks, due to the Dalai Lama's position as the head of the state and government, the Tibetan political issue and the Tibetan exile government could not be excluded. Though it was known that no progress would come, yet the Tibetan side actively participated in the talks and always made Tibetan issue the central issue. Apart from trying to express sincerity on resolving the Tibetan issue, another underlying purpose was to assert to the international community the existence of the Tibetan exile government representing the entire Tibetan people. It should be said that the past dialogues indeed played a great role in this regard and this has been the biggest gain for the Tibetan government-in-exile so far.
Chinese side may still keep in touch with the envoys of the Dalai Lama in future. I believe the envoys will still insist talking on the Tibetan issue and not on the Dalai Lama's personal matters. However, by that time, Chinese side can reject talking on Tibetan issue as the Dalai Lama will no longer be in that political position and so nothing can be talked on except the Dalai Lama’s personal accommodations. If the Dalai Lama persists talking on the Tibetan issue, the Chinese side would claim no responsibility for the dialogue breakdown.
However, Chinese government will never keep in touch with the Tibetan exile government. With its arrogant attitude, the Chinese government will not provide any opportunity to the exile government entering the field of Sino-Tibetan relationship to get exposure in front of the international community. In that case, the exile government's lonely voice, like boxing against the air, cannot attract the world's attention, and gradually will fall into a forgotten state. This marginalization of the exile government is, after the Dalai Lama retiring from politics, probably the most important issue to be considered and resolved.
转自：唯色博客
达赖喇嘛卸掉西藏政府的政治职务，被视为流亡西藏彻底完成民主化的标志。虽然他实际上已长期不参与世俗政府的工作，但他的正式卸职还是会带来一些变化。
有的变化是形式，只需更换一下程序，无足轻重。实质性的变化，主要在达赖喇嘛以往掌管的藏中会谈可能带来的影响。
以往会谈，藏方代表的身份是达赖喇嘛特使。那身份具有微妙地位，可以视为私人性质，因此被中方所接受，也是中方始终称呼“达赖喇嘛私人代表”的原因；但同时，因为达赖喇嘛是西藏流亡政府的法定元首，因此也可以代表西藏流亡政府。达赖喇嘛正是利用这种交叉身份和中国政府会谈，才把西藏流亡政府带入国际社会的视野。而当达赖喇嘛卸掉政治职务时，便失去了这种关联。
以往中国方面并不想会谈真正取得进展，只是因为达赖喇嘛在国际社会的威望，以及对境内藏人的宗教地位，拒绝接触难以交代。而只要有会谈，因为达赖喇嘛的元首身份，就不能不涉及西藏政治问题和西藏流亡政府。虽然明知不会有实际结果，西藏方面仍然积极会谈，并始终作为中心议题，除了意图表达藏方解决问题的诚意，还有一个潜在目的，就是通过会谈在国际上突显西藏流亡政府的存在，将自己提升到代表全体藏人的地位。应该说，以往藏中会谈确实起到了这种作用，可视为西藏流亡政府取得的主要收获。
今后，不排除中国方面还会和达赖喇嘛代表接触。相信达赖喇嘛的代表那时仍会表示不谈达赖喇嘛个人问题，只谈西藏问题。但是中国方面现在可以拒绝，理由就是达赖喇嘛不在其位，不谋其政，达赖喇嘛除了个人问题，已经没有别的好谈。如果达赖喇嘛坚持不谈个人问题，中国方面就会说中断对话不是自己的责任了。
而对西藏流亡政府，中国方面一定拒绝接触。除了出于傲慢的心态，也是不给其进入藏中关系领域的机会，防止其在国际社会面前的曝光。在那种情况下，流亡政府单方面的声音，如同对着空气打拳，引不起世界关注，逐步落入被淡忘的状态。流亡政府这种被边缘化的前景，有可能是达赖喇嘛卸掉政治职责后，需要考虑和解决的主要问题之一。
2011-5-3
（本文为RFA藏语节目，转载请注明。）
The Effects of Dalai Lama’s Retirement on the Exile Government
Written by Wang Lixiong
Translated by Ogyen
The Dalai Lama retiring from politics is a sign of completing the exile Tibetan government's democratization process. Although he has not been much involved in politics for the recent years, his formal retirement entails some changes.
Some of the changes are merely structural that can be simply adjusted with procedural changes and so not of much importance. Substantial changes, however, will be on the Sino-Tibetan dialogues the Dalai Lama used to be in charge of.
In the past dialogues, Tibetan representatives were regarded merely as the special envoys of the Dalai Lama, which was an insignificant identity with personal nature and thus the Chinese side could accept and they also used to call them "special envoys of the Dalai Lama". However, meanwhile, being the legal head of the exile government, the Dalai Lama could also represent the government. Just because of the dialogues held through this cross-identity, the Dalai Lama could manage to bring the Tibetan exile government to popularity among the international community. This relevance is lost with the devolution of his political power.
Chinese government did not want actual progress in the past talks, but because of the Dalai Lama’s prestige among the international community and his spiritual position to the Tibetan people inside Tibet, rejecting contact with him could hardly be explained. As long as there were talks, due to the Dalai Lama's position as the head of the state and government, the Tibetan political issue and the Tibetan exile government could not be excluded. Though it was known that no progress would come, yet the Tibetan side actively participated in the talks and always made Tibetan issue the central issue. Apart from trying to express sincerity on resolving the Tibetan issue, another underlying purpose was to assert to the international community the existence of the Tibetan exile government representing the entire Tibetan people. It should be said that the past dialogues indeed played a great role in this regard and this has been the biggest gain for the Tibetan government-in-exile so far.
Chinese side may still keep in touch with the envoys of the Dalai Lama in future. I believe the envoys will still insist talking on the Tibetan issue and not on the Dalai Lama's personal matters. However, by that time, Chinese side can reject talking on Tibetan issue as the Dalai Lama will no longer be in that political position and so nothing can be talked on except the Dalai Lama’s personal accommodations. If the Dalai Lama persists talking on the Tibetan issue, the Chinese side would claim no responsibility for the dialogue breakdown.
However, Chinese government will never keep in touch with the Tibetan exile government. With its arrogant attitude, the Chinese government will not provide any opportunity to the exile government entering the field of Sino-Tibetan relationship to get exposure in front of the international community. In that case, the exile government's lonely voice, like boxing against the air, cannot attract the world's attention, and gradually will fall into a forgotten state. This marginalization of the exile government is, after the Dalai Lama retiring from politics, probably the most important issue to be considered and resolved.
Friday, May 27, 2011
Wednesday, May 25, 2011
Saturday, April 30, 2011
80 more Tibetans arrested in Amdo Ngawa
On April 27, a group of 80 Tibetans from the neighboring Golog prefecture went to Ngaba in about 40 vehicles to show support for relatives enrolled as monks in the monastery, a Tibetan living in Ngaba said, speaking on condition of anonymity.“When they had traveled as far as the Gyatoe subdistrict in Upper Ngaba, Chinese security forces detained them,” he said.“Many of those Tibetans come from Chigdril [in Chinese, Jiuzhi] county, and are worried about their relatives at Kirti monastery. They have received no information about their present condition,” he said.
Armed Chinese police have been withdrawn from the monastery but are stationed nearby in camouflaged vehicles, he said, adding that security personnel in plain clothes are still present on the monastery grounds.
“These civilian police are harassing the monks and making their lives miserable,” he said
Meanwhile The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) highlighted concerns for the safety of the 300 monks taken away to what the group called an unofficial detention center by police.
“The Center condemns the extreme violence employed by the Chinese security forces in quelling peaceful demonstrations in Tibet and especially in Ngaba county in recent days,” the group said in a news release.
“The so-called ‘patriotic re-education’ campaign in Kirti monastery should stop immediately, and the 300 monks transported to a black jail should be safely returned to their rightful place—Kirti monastery,” TCHRD said.
TCHRD said it is “extremely concerned” over the fate of the detained monks.
“The normal religious activities and spiritual studies of the Kirti monastery have been severely disturbed in the extreme security measures adopted by the Chinese law enforcement agencies,” the group said.
Armed Chinese police have been withdrawn from the monastery but are stationed nearby in camouflaged vehicles, he said, adding that security personnel in plain clothes are still present on the monastery grounds.
“These civilian police are harassing the monks and making their lives miserable,” he said
Meanwhile The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) highlighted concerns for the safety of the 300 monks taken away to what the group called an unofficial detention center by police.
“The Center condemns the extreme violence employed by the Chinese security forces in quelling peaceful demonstrations in Tibet and especially in Ngaba county in recent days,” the group said in a news release.
“The so-called ‘patriotic re-education’ campaign in Kirti monastery should stop immediately, and the 300 monks transported to a black jail should be safely returned to their rightful place—Kirti monastery,” TCHRD said.
TCHRD said it is “extremely concerned” over the fate of the detained monks.
“The normal religious activities and spiritual studies of the Kirti monastery have been severely disturbed in the extreme security measures adopted by the Chinese law enforcement agencies,” the group said.
Thursday, April 28, 2011
Have you ever thought write a book about yourself?
Have you ever thought about write a book about yourself? If your answer is yes then You should start write little by little everyday and keep check back if you missed any thing.
For example:
I was born after Chinese occupied my country and I grew up in environment that was so much stressful, controlled, repressive and lack of freedom and absolutely no sign of human rights to people.
Under red Chinese occupation of my country Tibet. Millions of people lost life million of Tibetans people suffered so much because of tortured, jailed and transport to labor camps Main land China and majority of Tibetans didn’t come back and killed and died and starved in Chinese labor camps and thousand of monasteries and nunneries and cultural centers totally destroyed. Force Our compassionate leader H.H Dalai Lama and thousands of Tibetans escape to India for refuge etc.
For all these reasons, such horrific environment effected me so much from my childhood all the way to until I escaped from my homeland Tibet to India.
I thought about write a book about my self and how I dealt with situations I have encountered throughout my life up until now but then I don’t know what to write and how to start. So then I out line some of then things here. My book should be something like this:
Name of book: Roar of Snow lion.
My childhood and family
In Chinese Schools
Why my father didn’t support me to go to college?
Became Monk
Life in monastery
Search for higher studies
Involve deep spiritual practice
Conflicts in Monasteries
Re-education patriotic
Seek for material satisfaction
Dream to go to India for higher educational opportunity,
Make decision to escape to India
Experience in Tregon monastery (Western Tibet)
38 days walking days and nights Across Himalayan journey to Kathumandu
First impression Tibetan reception at Kathumandu
Experience at Nepal and India border.
Deal with a group of Tibetan women take advantage on new arrival on bus way New Delhi.
Six months at Tibetan reception centre at Dharamsala
Rejection to go to school and moved into a tents
At camp of transit school .
Two follow student died and 45 out 60 were falling in sick
Reaction of Kashag and Tibetan health department.
Collect stories and make money on us
At Tibetan youth educational centre
Force to go back to Tibet.
Audience with H.H Dalai Lama
Lost hope and hang like a dog Meclod Gangji Streets.
Became teacher at Gaden Choeling
Elected as president of Tibetan national democratic party for the region.
Move to Italy worked as interpreter
Founder of Tibetan community in Italy/ vice president. .
Travel to most of European countries.
Seek Refugee Status in United States.
My first job in New York
Met my wife in New York
Celebration of approval my refugee statue in court.
My babies completed my journey.
And much more…….
For example:
I was born after Chinese occupied my country and I grew up in environment that was so much stressful, controlled, repressive and lack of freedom and absolutely no sign of human rights to people.
Under red Chinese occupation of my country Tibet. Millions of people lost life million of Tibetans people suffered so much because of tortured, jailed and transport to labor camps Main land China and majority of Tibetans didn’t come back and killed and died and starved in Chinese labor camps and thousand of monasteries and nunneries and cultural centers totally destroyed. Force Our compassionate leader H.H Dalai Lama and thousands of Tibetans escape to India for refuge etc.
For all these reasons, such horrific environment effected me so much from my childhood all the way to until I escaped from my homeland Tibet to India.
I thought about write a book about my self and how I dealt with situations I have encountered throughout my life up until now but then I don’t know what to write and how to start. So then I out line some of then things here. My book should be something like this:
Name of book: Roar of Snow lion.
My childhood and family
In Chinese Schools
Why my father didn’t support me to go to college?
Became Monk
Life in monastery
Search for higher studies
Involve deep spiritual practice
Conflicts in Monasteries
Re-education patriotic
Seek for material satisfaction
Dream to go to India for higher educational opportunity,
Make decision to escape to India
Experience in Tregon monastery (Western Tibet)
38 days walking days and nights Across Himalayan journey to Kathumandu
First impression Tibetan reception at Kathumandu
Experience at Nepal and India border.
Deal with a group of Tibetan women take advantage on new arrival on bus way New Delhi.
Six months at Tibetan reception centre at Dharamsala
Rejection to go to school and moved into a tents
At camp of transit school .
Two follow student died and 45 out 60 were falling in sick
Reaction of Kashag and Tibetan health department.
Collect stories and make money on us
At Tibetan youth educational centre
Force to go back to Tibet.
Audience with H.H Dalai Lama
Lost hope and hang like a dog Meclod Gangji Streets.
Became teacher at Gaden Choeling
Elected as president of Tibetan national democratic party for the region.
Move to Italy worked as interpreter
Founder of Tibetan community in Italy/ vice president. .
Travel to most of European countries.
Seek Refugee Status in United States.
My first job in New York
Met my wife in New York
Celebration of approval my refugee statue in court.
My babies completed my journey.
And much more…….
Wednesday, April 27, 2011
Tibetan PM congratulates Lobsang Sangay on his victory
Phayul[Wednesday,
April 27, 2011 20:34]
By Phurbu Thinley
Dharamsala, April 27: The incumbent Tibetan Prime Minister-in-exile, Samdhong Rinpoche, on Wednesday congratulated his successor Lobsang Sangay, a media report said.
Tibet's exiled leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama (L) speaks as Samdhong Rinpoche, prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, smiles during a function in Kangra, on the outskirts of the northern Indian town of Dharamsala, in April 2011. Rinpoche on Wednesday congratulated Dr Lobsang Sangay, who is set to become the next prime minister of the exiled government. (Photo: Reuters)"I very heartily congratulate him. I wish a great success for his tenure," Rinpoche was quoted as saying by ANI.
In 2001, Prof Samdhong Rinpoche became the first directly elected prime minister after the Dalai Lama, as part of an effort to further democratize the Tibetan polity towards the late 1990’s, called for a directly "elected political leader" of the Tibetans living in exile.
Rinpoche is currently running his second consecutive term in the office after he secured a landslide victory in the 2006 elections receiving more than 29,000 votes (90.72%) of the total votes cast.
Rinpoche is expected to complete his term in August this year. Like other democratic countries, the charter of the Tibetan exiles bars a candidate from serving more than two consecutive terms.
The Tibetan Government-in-Exile has been based in India since it was re-established outside Tibet since the Dalai Lama and the first wave of refugees fled Tibet in 1959, soon after Chinese occupied the country.
The election commmissioner of the Tibet's government in exile Tuesday declared Sangay as the next Kalon Tripa or the Tibet's prime minister in exile.
Harvard law scholar Dr. Lobsang Sangay was earlier today elected the new 'Kalon Tripa' or the Tibetan Prime Minister-in-exile.
Forty-two-year-old Harvard law scholar Sangay secured 27,051 votes (55 percent) of the total votes cast in the elections held last month.
Sangay was in the United States when the results were announced. As the Prime Minister, he will head to Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile.
With the election victory, Dr Sangay is not only set to become the third directly-elected Tibetan PM, but will mark the first democratic transfer of executive power in the history of the Tibetan nation.
April 27, 2011 20:34]
By Phurbu Thinley
Dharamsala, April 27: The incumbent Tibetan Prime Minister-in-exile, Samdhong Rinpoche, on Wednesday congratulated his successor Lobsang Sangay, a media report said.
Tibet's exiled leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama (L) speaks as Samdhong Rinpoche, prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, smiles during a function in Kangra, on the outskirts of the northern Indian town of Dharamsala, in April 2011. Rinpoche on Wednesday congratulated Dr Lobsang Sangay, who is set to become the next prime minister of the exiled government. (Photo: Reuters)"I very heartily congratulate him. I wish a great success for his tenure," Rinpoche was quoted as saying by ANI.
In 2001, Prof Samdhong Rinpoche became the first directly elected prime minister after the Dalai Lama, as part of an effort to further democratize the Tibetan polity towards the late 1990’s, called for a directly "elected political leader" of the Tibetans living in exile.
Rinpoche is currently running his second consecutive term in the office after he secured a landslide victory in the 2006 elections receiving more than 29,000 votes (90.72%) of the total votes cast.
Rinpoche is expected to complete his term in August this year. Like other democratic countries, the charter of the Tibetan exiles bars a candidate from serving more than two consecutive terms.
The Tibetan Government-in-Exile has been based in India since it was re-established outside Tibet since the Dalai Lama and the first wave of refugees fled Tibet in 1959, soon after Chinese occupied the country.
The election commmissioner of the Tibet's government in exile Tuesday declared Sangay as the next Kalon Tripa or the Tibet's prime minister in exile.
Harvard law scholar Dr. Lobsang Sangay was earlier today elected the new 'Kalon Tripa' or the Tibetan Prime Minister-in-exile.
Forty-two-year-old Harvard law scholar Sangay secured 27,051 votes (55 percent) of the total votes cast in the elections held last month.
Sangay was in the United States when the results were announced. As the Prime Minister, he will head to Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile.
With the election victory, Dr Sangay is not only set to become the third directly-elected Tibetan PM, but will mark the first democratic transfer of executive power in the history of the Tibetan nation.
Sunday, April 24, 2011
300 monks arrested ,three lay people killed
Redazione - Ven, 22/04/2011 - 15:07
Over 300 monks from Kirti Monastery has been arrested and taken away in buses around 9 pm yesterday by Chinese special armed forces deployed in the monastery. Whereabouts unknown. Rooms of arrested monks have been completely sealed.All communication lines were shut down from 4 pm Tibet time yesterday for 24 hrs.5 more buses has arrived in the monastery TODAY around 5 pm Tibet time. All buses have number plates and all other signs covered, many more may be arrested tonight.
OVER 200 OLD PEOPLE WHO HAVE BEEN GUARDING THE MONASTERY SINCE THE SIEGE, THEY WERE SEVERELY BEATEN BY ARMED FORCES YESTERDAY WHEN THEY TRIED TO STOP THE POLICE FROM TAKING AWAY THE MONKS. MANY ARE SEVERLY INJURED AND THREE ARE DEAD INCLUDING PO DHONKO.
Crack down on dissident Tibetan monks and protesters : More informations
Redazione - Sab, 23/04/2011 - 14:32
The monks at Kirti monastery in the Ngaba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture had resisted a forced campaign of “political re-education” following the March 17 self-immolation death of a monk protesting Beijing’s rule in the area.“On April 21, at about 9 p.m., armed security personnel and a special police unit were deployed at the monastery,” said Kanyag Tsering and Lobsang Yeshe, monks at Kirti monastery’s branch monastery in India, citing sources in the Ngaba region.“They went to every room and detained more than 300 monks and put them into more than 10 large buses.”
Local Tibetans said they heard that the detained monks were then taken to locations in nearby Lunggu (in Chinese, Wenchuan), Maowun (in Chinese, Mao), and Tashiling (in Chinese, Li) counties.
When the monks were taken out, about 200 local Tibetans outside the monastery gates tried to stop the buses from leaving, Tsering and Yeshe said. Chinese armed police then attacked the crowd, beating some and gagging others who were crying out.
A 60-year-old man named Donkho from Upper Thawa village and a 65-year-old woman named Sherkyi from the Rakhotsang family of Nagtsangma in the Cha township were killed, and others suffered broken arms and legs in the attack, Tsering and Yeshe said.
The protesters were loaded onto trucks, of which two were driven to a nearby military camp and another two were driven to a cemetery. All who were elderly were released at 9 a.m. on Friday morning, while “a few” of the younger protesters were still being held, Tsering and Yeshe said.
An unnamed young woman of the Nagle Losang family has been missing since the police assault on the crowd, they added.
The monks at Kirti had heard by midday on Thursday that removals were imminent, and had gathered together in a group, vowing not to allow anyone to be taken away, Tsering and Yeshe said.
A senior Chinese official ordered the monks back to their rooms at 8:30 p.m., denying that any removals were planned and warning them that they would be responsible for the consequences of any “confrontation” resulting from a refusal to disperse.
The monks returned to their rooms, and a Chinese special police unit then surrounded the residences and began the removals.
Phone lines in the area had been disabled beginning at about 4 p.m., sources said.
At about 5 p.m. on Friday, five large buses with obscured markings of the type used in the detentions on Thursday night arrived at the monastery, sparking concerns of further removals Friday night.
The monks at Kirti monastery in the Ngaba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture had resisted a forced campaign of “political re-education” following the March 17 self-immolation death of a monk protesting Beijing’s rule in the area.“On April 21, at about 9 p.m., armed security personnel and a special police unit were deployed at the monastery,” said Kanyag Tsering and Lobsang Yeshe, monks at Kirti monastery’s branch monastery in India, citing sources in the Ngaba region.“They went to every room and detained more than 300 monks and put them into more than 10 large buses.”
Local Tibetans said they heard that the detained monks were then taken to locations in nearby Lunggu (in Chinese, Wenchuan), Maowun (in Chinese, Mao), and Tashiling (in Chinese, Li) counties.
When the monks were taken out, about 200 local Tibetans outside the monastery gates tried to stop the buses from leaving, Tsering and Yeshe said. Chinese armed police then attacked the crowd, beating some and gagging others who were crying out.
A 60-year-old man named Donkho from Upper Thawa village and a 65-year-old woman named Sherkyi from the Rakhotsang family of Nagtsangma in the Cha township were killed, and others suffered broken arms and legs in the attack, Tsering and Yeshe said.
The protesters were loaded onto trucks, of which two were driven to a nearby military camp and another two were driven to a cemetery. All who were elderly were released at 9 a.m. on Friday morning, while “a few” of the younger protesters were still being held, Tsering and Yeshe said.
An unnamed young woman of the Nagle Losang family has been missing since the police assault on the crowd, they added.
The monks at Kirti had heard by midday on Thursday that removals were imminent, and had gathered together in a group, vowing not to allow anyone to be taken away, Tsering and Yeshe said.
A senior Chinese official ordered the monks back to their rooms at 8:30 p.m., denying that any removals were planned and warning them that they would be responsible for the consequences of any “confrontation” resulting from a refusal to disperse.
The monks returned to their rooms, and a Chinese special police unit then surrounded the residences and began the removals.
Phone lines in the area had been disabled beginning at about 4 p.m., sources said.
At about 5 p.m. on Friday, five large buses with obscured markings of the type used in the detentions on Thursday night arrived at the monastery, sparking concerns of further removals Friday night.
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
Harvard Fellow Expected To Lead Tibetans In Exile
By BOB OAKES and LISA TOBIN
Apr 20, 2011,
Lobsang Sangay talks in front of a Tibetan flag in Dharamsala, India, on March 20. (AP)
BOSTON — The likely new leader of the Tibetan people lives much closer to you than you might expect.
Lobsang Sangay has a home in Medford and has spent the last 15 years as a research fellow at Harvard Law School. But next Tuesday he is expected to be named the winner of the election for Kalon Tripa, or prime minister, of the Tibetan government in exile based in Dharamsala, India.
Beyond just his ZIP code, Sangay is an unlikely selection. At 43, he is the youngest of six candidates and by far the least experienced. But in an interview with WBUR’s Bob Oakes, Sangay said he thinks he won over voters with an “American-style campaign” — going to the people to talk with them directly.
That’s no easy task when your constituents are scattered across 30 countries all around the world, and sometimes in very remote locations. Getting to the polls was an hours-long trek for many voters.
In Tibet, which has been under Chinese control since the 1950s, the Tibetan community is not allowed to vote. But Sangay says his top priority is to peacefully gain freedom for those Tibetans living inside Tibet. He considers it part of the job of Kalon Tripa to serve as their representative as well.
“Tibet is under occupation. There is political repression, economic marginalization — it’s a painful experience that Tibetans inside Tibet are enduring,” Sangay said. He gave the example of a monk who recently set himself on fire to protest the Chinese occupation. Instead of putting out the fire, Sangay said, Chinese policemen beat the man, who died from his injuries.
“This kind of tragedy is an ongoing experience for Tibetans inside Tibet and this ought to end,” Sangay said. “And if I’m fortunate enough to be elected, I’ll do my best to reach out to the Chinese government, to have a dialogue, to resolve the issue peacefully and non-violently.”
This year’s election has taken on extra significance because of the recent decision by the Dalai Lama to relinquish his political role and focus more on the spiritual, a decision that Sangay said has brought some anxiety to the Tibetan people, himself included.
“It’s quite difficult to digest, emotionally,” Sangay said, “because he has been our leader for so long, he has done so much. He’s a brilliant leader who has led us so efficiently. And to see a scenario where he will not play an active political role is difficult to digest for any Tibetans because we have a very personal, emotional, like kind of a family relationship.”
The Dalai Lama has said he will still be available for advice and guidance. Sangay said he sees his leader as a kind of father figure and he would definitely seek him out.
After all, they would be living in the same city. Sangay wrapped up his position at Harvard Law just a couple of weeks ago and, if elected, he will be leaving Medford for Dharamsala.
It may take some getting used to — the position pays just $400 a month.
“The present prime minister, he’s a monk,” Sangay said. “He lives a very Gandhian, kind of austere life. So I’ll have to adjust to that kind of lifestyle. But, given the fact the Tibetans in Tibet are suffering, they’re giving up their lives, I’m willing and happy to give up the comfort and privileges of the People’s Republic of Cambridge and go to India and serve my people.”
Apr 20, 2011,
Lobsang Sangay talks in front of a Tibetan flag in Dharamsala, India, on March 20. (AP)
BOSTON — The likely new leader of the Tibetan people lives much closer to you than you might expect.
Lobsang Sangay has a home in Medford and has spent the last 15 years as a research fellow at Harvard Law School. But next Tuesday he is expected to be named the winner of the election for Kalon Tripa, or prime minister, of the Tibetan government in exile based in Dharamsala, India.
Beyond just his ZIP code, Sangay is an unlikely selection. At 43, he is the youngest of six candidates and by far the least experienced. But in an interview with WBUR’s Bob Oakes, Sangay said he thinks he won over voters with an “American-style campaign” — going to the people to talk with them directly.
That’s no easy task when your constituents are scattered across 30 countries all around the world, and sometimes in very remote locations. Getting to the polls was an hours-long trek for many voters.
In Tibet, which has been under Chinese control since the 1950s, the Tibetan community is not allowed to vote. But Sangay says his top priority is to peacefully gain freedom for those Tibetans living inside Tibet. He considers it part of the job of Kalon Tripa to serve as their representative as well.
“Tibet is under occupation. There is political repression, economic marginalization — it’s a painful experience that Tibetans inside Tibet are enduring,” Sangay said. He gave the example of a monk who recently set himself on fire to protest the Chinese occupation. Instead of putting out the fire, Sangay said, Chinese policemen beat the man, who died from his injuries.
“This kind of tragedy is an ongoing experience for Tibetans inside Tibet and this ought to end,” Sangay said. “And if I’m fortunate enough to be elected, I’ll do my best to reach out to the Chinese government, to have a dialogue, to resolve the issue peacefully and non-violently.”
This year’s election has taken on extra significance because of the recent decision by the Dalai Lama to relinquish his political role and focus more on the spiritual, a decision that Sangay said has brought some anxiety to the Tibetan people, himself included.
“It’s quite difficult to digest, emotionally,” Sangay said, “because he has been our leader for so long, he has done so much. He’s a brilliant leader who has led us so efficiently. And to see a scenario where he will not play an active political role is difficult to digest for any Tibetans because we have a very personal, emotional, like kind of a family relationship.”
The Dalai Lama has said he will still be available for advice and guidance. Sangay said he sees his leader as a kind of father figure and he would definitely seek him out.
After all, they would be living in the same city. Sangay wrapped up his position at Harvard Law just a couple of weeks ago and, if elected, he will be leaving Medford for Dharamsala.
It may take some getting used to — the position pays just $400 a month.
“The present prime minister, he’s a monk,” Sangay said. “He lives a very Gandhian, kind of austere life. So I’ll have to adjust to that kind of lifestyle. But, given the fact the Tibetans in Tibet are suffering, they’re giving up their lives, I’m willing and happy to give up the comfort and privileges of the People’s Republic of Cambridge and go to India and serve my people.”
Tuesday, April 19, 2011
数百中共人员在格德寺展开爱国教育
西藏之声4月18日报导
目前位于西藏安多阿坝州阿坝县境内因上月开始接二连三发生僧人自焚、民众和平请愿等事件后，当地已被中共当局全面控制和封锁。近日数百名政府官职人员、学校教师等组成的工作组人员抵达阿坝县，在格德寺向僧侣展开所谓的爱国教育。
达兰萨拉格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西透露，（录音）抵达格德寺的中共工作组人员共有6、7百人，其中包括若尔盖县的中共公务员。当时在寺院广场，由阿坝州统战部高官为首的工作人员坐在凳子上面向僧侣，而僧侣却全部坐在地上被强制性听他们一一讲话。其中官员们在发言中警告说，寺院关不关闭全在于僧侣们的表现。
中共工作人员声称自2008年，格德寺僧侣不断展开了抗议政府的活动，严重妨碍阿坝的社会治安，现在这种抗议仍在继续，今后仍有计划展开抗议，因此有必要检讨清楚。由于僧侣们态度坚决，没有当局所称的悔改之意，因此僧侣们进一步遭到严控。
消息说，驻扎在寺院内的军警禁止僧侣在晚上8点后从各自僧舍中外出，并强调，凡在8点后碰到僧人就进行殴打等严惩。此外同住一间僧舍的7名僧人因整整三天没有获得食物，严重饱受饥饿之苦，随后有关人员获知这一消息后，喂食给他们。
洛桑益西表示，这只是外界获知的一个冰山之角的例子，事实上，这种惨状正在格德寺内到处发生。
消息还说，本月15日，在格德寺巡逻的一批全副武装的军警开着警车将僧人白阔的僧舍院子给撞毁。自上月20日，格德寺医院被当局关闭，从此僧侣无法获得任何医疗服务。此外，当局闯入僧舍随意搜查，抢夺僧人用品，并利用各种借口殴打僧人。
消息说，本月12日，当阿坝县藏民为防止僧人被当局带走，死守寺外与军警对峙时，公安人员将照相机对着民众进行了较长时间的拍摄。上月16日至今，格德寺已超过100多名僧人失踪，目前寺内外僧民到处打听，都无法获知他们的任何消息。上月16日格德寺僧人平措自焚后，当时在西宁的格德寺僧人作家果• 西热嘉措获知消息，立即返回寺院，但在途中被当局拘捕，至今下落不明。
达兰萨拉格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西还透露，（录音）阿坝州民族高级中学在3月16日获知格德寺僧人平措自焚献身后，学生们立即在校内展开绝食活动，目前得知，学生们的绝食活动已经停止，但是当局只允许学生们上课，却禁止他们走出校外以及与外界联系。
目前位于西藏安多阿坝州阿坝县境内因上月开始接二连三发生僧人自焚、民众和平请愿等事件后，当地已被中共当局全面控制和封锁。近日数百名政府官职人员、学校教师等组成的工作组人员抵达阿坝县，在格德寺向僧侣展开所谓的爱国教育。
达兰萨拉格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西透露，（录音）抵达格德寺的中共工作组人员共有6、7百人，其中包括若尔盖县的中共公务员。当时在寺院广场，由阿坝州统战部高官为首的工作人员坐在凳子上面向僧侣，而僧侣却全部坐在地上被强制性听他们一一讲话。其中官员们在发言中警告说，寺院关不关闭全在于僧侣们的表现。
中共工作人员声称自2008年，格德寺僧侣不断展开了抗议政府的活动，严重妨碍阿坝的社会治安，现在这种抗议仍在继续，今后仍有计划展开抗议，因此有必要检讨清楚。由于僧侣们态度坚决，没有当局所称的悔改之意，因此僧侣们进一步遭到严控。
消息说，驻扎在寺院内的军警禁止僧侣在晚上8点后从各自僧舍中外出，并强调，凡在8点后碰到僧人就进行殴打等严惩。此外同住一间僧舍的7名僧人因整整三天没有获得食物，严重饱受饥饿之苦，随后有关人员获知这一消息后，喂食给他们。
洛桑益西表示，这只是外界获知的一个冰山之角的例子，事实上，这种惨状正在格德寺内到处发生。
消息还说，本月15日，在格德寺巡逻的一批全副武装的军警开着警车将僧人白阔的僧舍院子给撞毁。自上月20日，格德寺医院被当局关闭，从此僧侣无法获得任何医疗服务。此外，当局闯入僧舍随意搜查，抢夺僧人用品，并利用各种借口殴打僧人。
消息说，本月12日，当阿坝县藏民为防止僧人被当局带走，死守寺外与军警对峙时，公安人员将照相机对着民众进行了较长时间的拍摄。上月16日至今，格德寺已超过100多名僧人失踪，目前寺内外僧民到处打听，都无法获知他们的任何消息。上月16日格德寺僧人平措自焚后，当时在西宁的格德寺僧人作家果• 西热嘉措获知消息，立即返回寺院，但在途中被当局拘捕，至今下落不明。
达兰萨拉格德寺西藏境内紧急情况联络小组成员洛桑益西还透露，（录音）阿坝州民族高级中学在3月16日获知格德寺僧人平措自焚献身后，学生们立即在校内展开绝食活动，目前得知，学生们的绝食活动已经停止，但是当局只允许学生们上课，却禁止他们走出校外以及与外界联系。
达赖喇嘛退休不是垂帘听政
作者：胡平
来源：《北京之春》网络版
今年3月，达赖喇嘛正式宣布退休，即不再担任政治领导职责。我们知道，自2001年民选首席部长以来，达赖喇嘛便处于半退休状态，除了在一些文件象征性的批示之外，全部实权都交给首席部长，形同虚位总统。现在则是交出全部世俗权力。
达赖喇嘛这一宣布引起各方面的关注。舆论普遍认为，此举意味着藏人在民主化上的重大推进，是政教的彻底分离。意义十分深远。
中国政府说这是“欺骗国际的把戏”。这种指责毫无道理，因为达赖喇嘛的退休不但见之于公开的宣示，而且还体现在有关规章制度的改革与权力的实际运作。中国政府提出这样的指责，要么是故意诬陷，要么就是想起了自家的故事，想起了当年邓小平的退休，以为人家达赖喇嘛的退休也和他们的邓小平退休一样，只是场骗局而已。
有人分析说，退休后的达赖喇嘛在政治上仍然是藏人的最高领袖；只不过他从幕前退到幕后，以垂帘听政的方式继续领导藏人。
我以为这种说法不准确。首先，对所谓垂帘听政，有必要先解释几句。
现在人们一谈起垂帘听政，往往把它当成一套潜规则。其实，垂帘听政本来是一套明规则。垂帘听政是中国古代，因为皇帝有病或年幼，而由皇后或太后临朝，代为执政的制度；因古时男女有别，须在殿上用帘子遮隔，故得名。
在这里，皇后或太后代为执政是公开的，人所共知的，名正言顺的。这和我们现在说的垂帘听政很不一样。
譬如在八九民运期间，人们说邓小平垂帘听政，那不仅仅是说，赵紫阳虽然是总书记，名义上是第一把手，但实际上，按照中央的一个内部决定，遇到大事还是要听邓小平的；而且还是说这种关系是不公开的，是秘而不宣的。赵紫阳无非是在和戈尔巴乔夫的会谈中把这件事说出来了，就引起邓小平等一班保守派震怒。可见这和古代的垂帘听政并不是一回事。
现在我们说垂帘听政，常常是指某人不在其位，也没有任何公开的乃至于秘密的协定，实际上却手握大权；在其位者反而要受制于他。
不难看出，这种意义上的垂帘听政，只能发生在权力缺少明确规范，其运作缺少透明度，其来源不是选民的专制制度。在民主制下不可能出现垂帘听政。流亡藏人既然已经采用了民主制，所以，退休后的达赖喇嘛不可能垂帘听政。
这当然不是说，达赖喇嘛退休后在政治上就没有影响力了。我相信，退休后的达赖喇嘛在政治上对藏人仍然会有很大的影响力。在这里，我们务必要把影响力和权力区分开来。政治影响力和政治权力的关系很复杂，在很多时候，两者是交织的；但是确实存在着独立于权力之外的影响力，例如知识分子在政治上的影响力是来自其言论的说服力而和权力无关。影响力的典范莫过于印度的甘地。甘地没有公职，没有军队，也没有自己的政党，但是对印度人民拥有很大的道义感召力，从而对印度的政治拥有很大的影响力。我想，就此而言，退休后的达赖喇嘛和甘地是很类似的。
不久前，达赖喇嘛接受《星岛日报》总编辑王宁采访时表示，即使他全面退休后，如果有必要，他还是会出来参与同北京的对话。达赖喇嘛强调，过去十年，与北京官员的对话是由藏人民选官员准备和决定的，然后他们来问我。我当然支持他们。过去十年主要的责任是由他们承担的。根据具体情况，如果藏人民选政府决定要通过他参加对话，他一定会继续承担这个使命。
注意：在这里，达赖喇嘛谈到他在今后仍然可能继续承担与北京的对话。但是和过去有所不同。在过去，和北京对话是由流亡政府决定的，但事先要咨询他，要征得他的同意；今后和北京的对话也是由政府决定的，但无须再向他咨询和征得他认可，而是直接委任他去做这件事。达赖喇嘛说过，身为藏人，“只要有广大人民的信任和托付，我将永不会舍弃政教公众事务”。显然，这和“垂帘听政”是不相干的。
胡平简介
胡平，一九四七年生于北京，七岁随母入川，六六年高中毕业，适逢文革，参加文革两年半，下乡插队五年，七三年底返回成都，又当了五年临时工，七八年秋考入北京大学哲学系研究生班，主修西方哲学史，获哲学硕士学位，七九年投入民主墙运动，于民间刊物《沃土》上发表《论言论自由》长文，八零年参加自由竞选，被选为北京大学海淀区人民代表，毕业后两年未分配工作，八三年分到北京出版社，八五年转至北京社科院，八七年一月赴美国哈佛大学攻读博士课程，八八年当选中国民主团结联盟主席(至九一年)，先後在《中国之春》杂志和《北京之春》杂志主持笔政，现居纽约，任《北京之春》主编。
来源：《北京之春》网络版
今年3月，达赖喇嘛正式宣布退休，即不再担任政治领导职责。我们知道，自2001年民选首席部长以来，达赖喇嘛便处于半退休状态，除了在一些文件象征性的批示之外，全部实权都交给首席部长，形同虚位总统。现在则是交出全部世俗权力。
达赖喇嘛这一宣布引起各方面的关注。舆论普遍认为，此举意味着藏人在民主化上的重大推进，是政教的彻底分离。意义十分深远。
中国政府说这是“欺骗国际的把戏”。这种指责毫无道理，因为达赖喇嘛的退休不但见之于公开的宣示，而且还体现在有关规章制度的改革与权力的实际运作。中国政府提出这样的指责，要么是故意诬陷，要么就是想起了自家的故事，想起了当年邓小平的退休，以为人家达赖喇嘛的退休也和他们的邓小平退休一样，只是场骗局而已。
有人分析说，退休后的达赖喇嘛在政治上仍然是藏人的最高领袖；只不过他从幕前退到幕后，以垂帘听政的方式继续领导藏人。
我以为这种说法不准确。首先，对所谓垂帘听政，有必要先解释几句。
现在人们一谈起垂帘听政，往往把它当成一套潜规则。其实，垂帘听政本来是一套明规则。垂帘听政是中国古代，因为皇帝有病或年幼，而由皇后或太后临朝，代为执政的制度；因古时男女有别，须在殿上用帘子遮隔，故得名。
在这里，皇后或太后代为执政是公开的，人所共知的，名正言顺的。这和我们现在说的垂帘听政很不一样。
譬如在八九民运期间，人们说邓小平垂帘听政，那不仅仅是说，赵紫阳虽然是总书记，名义上是第一把手，但实际上，按照中央的一个内部决定，遇到大事还是要听邓小平的；而且还是说这种关系是不公开的，是秘而不宣的。赵紫阳无非是在和戈尔巴乔夫的会谈中把这件事说出来了，就引起邓小平等一班保守派震怒。可见这和古代的垂帘听政并不是一回事。
现在我们说垂帘听政，常常是指某人不在其位，也没有任何公开的乃至于秘密的协定，实际上却手握大权；在其位者反而要受制于他。
不难看出，这种意义上的垂帘听政，只能发生在权力缺少明确规范，其运作缺少透明度，其来源不是选民的专制制度。在民主制下不可能出现垂帘听政。流亡藏人既然已经采用了民主制，所以，退休后的达赖喇嘛不可能垂帘听政。
这当然不是说，达赖喇嘛退休后在政治上就没有影响力了。我相信，退休后的达赖喇嘛在政治上对藏人仍然会有很大的影响力。在这里，我们务必要把影响力和权力区分开来。政治影响力和政治权力的关系很复杂，在很多时候，两者是交织的；但是确实存在着独立于权力之外的影响力，例如知识分子在政治上的影响力是来自其言论的说服力而和权力无关。影响力的典范莫过于印度的甘地。甘地没有公职，没有军队，也没有自己的政党，但是对印度人民拥有很大的道义感召力，从而对印度的政治拥有很大的影响力。我想，就此而言，退休后的达赖喇嘛和甘地是很类似的。
不久前，达赖喇嘛接受《星岛日报》总编辑王宁采访时表示，即使他全面退休后，如果有必要，他还是会出来参与同北京的对话。达赖喇嘛强调，过去十年，与北京官员的对话是由藏人民选官员准备和决定的，然后他们来问我。我当然支持他们。过去十年主要的责任是由他们承担的。根据具体情况，如果藏人民选政府决定要通过他参加对话，他一定会继续承担这个使命。
注意：在这里，达赖喇嘛谈到他在今后仍然可能继续承担与北京的对话。但是和过去有所不同。在过去，和北京对话是由流亡政府决定的，但事先要咨询他，要征得他的同意；今后和北京的对话也是由政府决定的，但无须再向他咨询和征得他认可，而是直接委任他去做这件事。达赖喇嘛说过，身为藏人，“只要有广大人民的信任和托付，我将永不会舍弃政教公众事务”。显然，这和“垂帘听政”是不相干的。
胡平简介
胡平，一九四七年生于北京，七岁随母入川，六六年高中毕业，适逢文革，参加文革两年半，下乡插队五年，七三年底返回成都，又当了五年临时工，七八年秋考入北京大学哲学系研究生班，主修西方哲学史，获哲学硕士学位，七九年投入民主墙运动，于民间刊物《沃土》上发表《论言论自由》长文，八零年参加自由竞选，被选为北京大学海淀区人民代表，毕业后两年未分配工作，八三年分到北京出版社，八五年转至北京社科院，八七年一月赴美国哈佛大学攻读博士课程，八八年当选中国民主团结联盟主席(至九一年)，先後在《中国之春》杂志和《北京之春》杂志主持笔政，现居纽约，任《北京之春》主编。
中华民族向钱看,到了最缺德时候
港媒:
东方日报 2011-04-18
中华人民共和国国歌中唱到「中华民族到了最危险的时候，每个人被迫发出最后的吼声」，但现在的中国却是中华民族到了最缺德的时候，每个人都发出无奈的叹息。
当代的中国商人，已成为最无道德的一群，卖木耳的用福尔马林浸泡，卖火腿的用敌敌畏熏製，卖食盐的用工业盐充数，卖黄鳝的给黄鳝喂避孕药，水银鱼、三聚氰胺奶粉、石灰麵粉、神奇牛肉、坑渠油、涂色馒头，这些化学食品接二连三出现，使中国人再度成为新时代东亚病夫。
中国地产开发商则见钱眼开，既哄抬房价，欺行霸市，让一代代的中国人成为房奴，同时又偷工减料，炮製大量豆腐渣工程，草菅人命，而黑矿主只要有利可图，哪管他人死活！至于救死扶伤的医院，早就成了索命的阎王殿，而白衣天使则成为黑白无常。作为人类灵魂工程师的教师，已堕落成误人子弟、道德败坏的元凶。
殿陛之间 禽兽食禄
至于升斗小民，也是笑贫不笑娼，见利忘义，见钱眼开。你要问个路吗？对不起，拿「好处费」来！人与人变成了冷冰冰的铜板关係。甚至在目睹有人落水之时，竟然毫不掩饰地大叫：「拿钱来就救！」至于黑恶势力，则抽刀向更弱者，贩卖儿童，虐童为丐，甚至取人内脏，贩卖器官。人性在金钱面前黯然失色，良知在金钱面前霍然泯灭。
中华民族之所以全盘堕落，主要是上樑不正下樑歪。现在的神州官场，哪个看上去有点正人君子的模样？这些人奉行「人不为己，天诛地灭」的信条，拜倒在金钱脚下，鑽进钱眼里不能自拔。或暗箱操作，醉心于权钱交易；或一人得道，鸡犬升天；或大权在握，公帑国库悉数成一己私产；置房产、买别墅、养情妇、包二奶，不亦乐乎；挥霍浪费公款已是小菜一碟，中饱私囊成了家常便饭。台上仁义道德，台下男盗女娼，假仁假义，莫此为甚。
历史名着《三国演义》中，「诸葛亮骂死王朗」一段中有句名言「庙堂之上，朽木为官，殿陛之间，禽兽食禄；狼心狗行之辈，滚滚当朝，奴颜婢膝之徒，纷纷秉政。」用此话来形容当前的中国实在恰如其分。礼义廉耻，国之四维，四维不张，国将不国，而国之将亡，必出妖孽。
可笑的是，有领导人还在痛斥道德沦丧，诚信缺失，国家如此，民族如斯，这到底是谁的责任？在这个是非颠倒的社会，谁又比谁强呢？
东方日报 2011-04-18
中华人民共和国国歌中唱到「中华民族到了最危险的时候，每个人被迫发出最后的吼声」，但现在的中国却是中华民族到了最缺德的时候，每个人都发出无奈的叹息。
当代的中国商人，已成为最无道德的一群，卖木耳的用福尔马林浸泡，卖火腿的用敌敌畏熏製，卖食盐的用工业盐充数，卖黄鳝的给黄鳝喂避孕药，水银鱼、三聚氰胺奶粉、石灰麵粉、神奇牛肉、坑渠油、涂色馒头，这些化学食品接二连三出现，使中国人再度成为新时代东亚病夫。
中国地产开发商则见钱眼开，既哄抬房价，欺行霸市，让一代代的中国人成为房奴，同时又偷工减料，炮製大量豆腐渣工程，草菅人命，而黑矿主只要有利可图，哪管他人死活！至于救死扶伤的医院，早就成了索命的阎王殿，而白衣天使则成为黑白无常。作为人类灵魂工程师的教师，已堕落成误人子弟、道德败坏的元凶。
殿陛之间 禽兽食禄
至于升斗小民，也是笑贫不笑娼，见利忘义，见钱眼开。你要问个路吗？对不起，拿「好处费」来！人与人变成了冷冰冰的铜板关係。甚至在目睹有人落水之时，竟然毫不掩饰地大叫：「拿钱来就救！」至于黑恶势力，则抽刀向更弱者，贩卖儿童，虐童为丐，甚至取人内脏，贩卖器官。人性在金钱面前黯然失色，良知在金钱面前霍然泯灭。
中华民族之所以全盘堕落，主要是上樑不正下樑歪。现在的神州官场，哪个看上去有点正人君子的模样？这些人奉行「人不为己，天诛地灭」的信条，拜倒在金钱脚下，鑽进钱眼里不能自拔。或暗箱操作，醉心于权钱交易；或一人得道，鸡犬升天；或大权在握，公帑国库悉数成一己私产；置房产、买别墅、养情妇、包二奶，不亦乐乎；挥霍浪费公款已是小菜一碟，中饱私囊成了家常便饭。台上仁义道德，台下男盗女娼，假仁假义，莫此为甚。
历史名着《三国演义》中，「诸葛亮骂死王朗」一段中有句名言「庙堂之上，朽木为官，殿陛之间，禽兽食禄；狼心狗行之辈，滚滚当朝，奴颜婢膝之徒，纷纷秉政。」用此话来形容当前的中国实在恰如其分。礼义廉耻，国之四维，四维不张，国将不国，而国之将亡，必出妖孽。
可笑的是，有领导人还在痛斥道德沦丧，诚信缺失，国家如此，民族如斯，这到底是谁的责任？在这个是非颠倒的社会，谁又比谁强呢？
铭记以身献祭的年轻僧人平措
3月16日，在安多阿坝，僧侣与民众走上街头，发出抗议之声，结果被国家机器打死了许多人，其中有孕妇、5岁的孩子和16岁的女中学生楞珠措。所以三年后的这天，藏人们都在寺院和家里点燃酥油灯，纪念遇难者。而格尔登寺的僧人平措，他的纪念方式是自焚。
他独自一人，离开被军警严密监视的寺院，走到被下午的阳光照耀的街头，突然变成了一团燃烧的火焰。从火焰中传出他的声音：“让嘉瓦仁波切回来！”、“西藏需要自由！”、“达赖喇嘛万岁！”。人们都万分震惊地看见，满大街全副武装的特警、武警、警察、便衣，立即围拢过来，用手中的棍棒狠狠地毒打着平措，这是在灭火，还是在打他？
3月17日凌晨3点多，平措牺牲了。他才20岁，1991年生人，父母为阿坝县麦尔玛乡二村人。两位格尔登寺的僧人，一位在境内，一位于去年翻越雪山逃到达兰萨拉，接受了我以及友人的采访。他们说，看见军警毒打平措，一些僧人和俗人不顾一切地冲过去，抢了平措就往紧挨着寺院的医院奔去，可医院已经下班。人们又抱着平措往他的僧舍跑去，他的父母也在，震惊得放声大哭。人们又抱着平措往县医院跑去。可是医院不收。为了救平措，僧俗们把平措交给公安和干部，哀求他们抢救平措。这时大约5点。
很晚的时候，医院才得到批准，同意抢救平措，但已经没有挽救的可能了，却不肯把平措的遗体交给他的亲人。直到下午4点多，医院才交出了平措的遗体。听说，有官员来察看了平措的遗体。而且，还警告寺院说，必须要在18日上午8点以前处理完丧事，不准保留遗体。
平措悲壮而死，外媒纷纷报道，在事实面前，中国官方新华社不得不承认有此事，但其报道先是称自焚僧人是24岁的彭措（即平措），后来改说现年16岁，患有癫痫病。新华社的说法是：附近巡逻的警察及时将火扑灭，并迅速就近把彭措送往医院救治，但“格尔登寺一伙别有用心的僧人不顾伤员的安危，强行将彭措抢运到寺内的扎仓藏匿”，经过当地政府和彭措母亲再三交涉，直至3月17日凌晨3时，格尔登寺才将彭措交予其母，当地政府和彭措母亲立即将彭措送到阿坝县人民医院救治，“由于格尔登寺藏匿伤员拖延时间，使伤员失去救治的宝贵时间，经抢救无效于17日凌晨3时44分死亡”。
新华社企图把平措说成生理或心理有疾病的病人，企图栽赃寺院和僧人是凶手。而这一套说辞，正如去年2月27日，格尔登寺僧人扎白当街自焚遭军警枪击，在众多外媒报道后，新华社不得不承认，确有一个“穿袈裟的男子”引火自焚，却否认军警向他开枪。又说医生也否认枪伤，指他身上只有烧伤。然而，事实上，当时，医院方面企图给扎白截肢，截掉中弹的腿与右臂，为的是毁灭证据，因被扎白的母亲拼死拒绝，未能截肢。
新华社还报道平措父亲说平措“是自己自焚的，只有烧伤，其他什么伤都没有。”这也正如去年扎白自焚被枪击，新华社“引用一名西藏僧侣的话说，枪击的说法是他编造的”。事实上，这位拍下扎白自焚被警察枪击，并把现场照片发送出去的格尔登寺僧人江廓，后来被判刑6年，现在还在牢中。
平措不是自焚而死，除了烧伤，还有被军警毒打的伤，他是被毒打致死，是被杀。从此，3月16日这个镇压藏人的纪念日，将永远铭记以身献祭的20岁僧人平措。
2011/3/22，北京
Monday, April 18, 2011
Sunday, April 17, 2011
长篇小说《绿松石》的三个突破
文/朱瑞
那是在朗顿‧班觉先生的家里。记忆中，他背对着窗子，坐在木桌前，和一位客人说着话……。我睁睁地看着朗顿‧班觉先生，足有一秒钟：那风吹日晒的古铜色面容，那交织着血丝的双眼，还有粗糙的十指……总之，和我心中的贵族形象，一点也不沾边。不过，那张脸的轮廓，让我猛然联想起十三世达赖喇嘛。
在一个崇尚虚荣的世界里，朗顿‧班觉先生的质朴，像一幅不合时宜的古老的铜版画，却价值连城。直到许多年后，我还忍不住对白牡女士赞叹：「您的弟弟把自己历炼成了一个普通人啊！」
可以想象，当我在远离西藏的北美，发现朗顿‧班觉先生的《绿松石》（注）汉译本时，会怎样急不可待地阅读。当然，让我一口气读完的，不可能全是对朗顿‧班觉先生的好印象，最重要的，还是作品的力量。
题材和体裁的突破
西藏文学的辉煌，是当代人无法想象的。且不说震撼世人的《格萨尔》史诗，但说唐东杰布以来诞生的《朗萨姑娘》、《顿珠顿月》、《白玛文巴》、《诺桑王子》、《苏吉尼玛》等等，其成熟已远远地超越了同时代其它民族的文学作品。后来，多喀儿‧次仁旺杰创作的《勋努达美》、《颇罗鼐传》、《噶伦传》等，又使西藏文学从传奇的神殿，拓展到英雄领域，更贴近现实，由天上来到山上。而朗顿‧班觉先生的《绿松石》，又使西藏文学，深入到山下普通人的世界。平常的、每日的生活，都升华为文学，甚至可以触摸，那种亲切，尤如阅读、省察我们自己的人生。
《绿松石》在结构和技巧上，超越了史诗、戏剧和民间故事等体裁，和中国作家不同的是，作者没有玩弄文字游戏，添加多余的肥料，像一幅西藏民俗风物画，给人以清新、素洁之感。
这部小说中的人物、情节、环境，尤为细腻完整，使传统西藏文学，跃入现代文学领域，和世界文学接轨。朗顿先生的《绿松石》，毫无疑问成了一座桥梁，让我们在传奇和平凡之间，在浪漫和现实之间，传统与现代之间畅通无阻。
语言的突破
从前的西藏文学，更重视修辞，语言婉转、华丽，有如灿烂的星空，尽管美，却遥远。而《绿松石》，不仅在对话中，就是在叙述和歌词中，都采用了直接，更加口语化的表达方式，栩栩如生，有着电影般的立体效应，展现了文学的张力，也展现了作者丰厚的文化底蕴。这种语言上的转换，起着「打车轨」般的先驱作用。
心儿化作佛灯，
供在你的面前。
我要在扎寺弥勒佛前祈祷，
遥祝你别来无恙！
劳累不能吞噬我的躯体，
痛苦却泯灭我心中的明灯。
朴素的文字，总是最感人的，也是有质量的，如同货真价实的好衣服，穿上去总是格外舒服，也格外地不花里花哨。
精神质量
当代中国文学（包括表达西藏内容的汉语创作），更注重文字的精巧和题材的奇异，至于内容，要么，陷入自怨自艾的小圈子不能自拔；要么，打擦边球，扑朔迷离，如同塑料花，再美、再好，却没有魂。而在《绿松石》中，作者几乎从骨髓中流淌出来的慈悲、天然的怜悯和利他的习性，使一切琐屑都变得妙趣横生，因而，使作品有了筋骨和青山，有了精神质量，在西藏文学和中国文学之间，立起了一道分水岭。
尽管作者声明，故事情节纯属虚构，可是，与西藏现实相吻相合：千百年来，藏民族总是把最好的东西献给佛，很多圣湖里，都沉淀着无以数计的珍宝。所以，大风刮来，大浪滔天的时候，从玛旁雍错飘上一枚绿松石，入情入理。拾到绿松石的人，并没有像守财奴一样，把这个罕见的宝物变成自己贫穷生活的安慰，而是历尽磨难，坚持把无价之宝献给觉仁波切，更入情入理。小说处处体现了主人公对佛祖坚定的信心。同时，《绿松石》还不知不觉地，向读者流露了早期西藏社会对知识的崇敬：
「光有漂亮的脸蛋怎么行啊？得识文断字，有学问，这样才能站得稳脚跟呢。」
在中国，广播报纸中每每赞扬其它民族时，只用「能歌善舞」一言以蔽之。然而，这四个字，无疑于漂白粉，曾让我，一个远在中国的汉人，眼前空空如也。后来，当我真正地走进西藏，收集那些从前的民谣时，才发现，我是多么不了解这片雪域大地啊！以歌声为例，不仅在结婚等喜庆的时候，就是挤牛奶，收青稞，打阿嘎土、背水时，也在唱，又唱又跳，那些随口而出的歌词，都是了不起的文学！原来，西藏民族，就是文学和艺术的化身啊！当然，无可否认，今天，剩下的仅仅是废墟了。而《绿松石》，以一条独有的路径，衔接着西藏文学往日的辉煌。
朗顿‧班觉先生出生于十三世达赖喇嘛家族，却如此细腻、娴熟地写出普通人的喜怒哀乐，没有汉语作家的矫情和那种居高临下的「谦卑」，他就是他们中间的一个；尤其在题材和体裁、语言和内涵上的突破，成就了一个文学奇迹。同时，也向世人证明，只要有足够的藏文素养，就不会受到表达的限制。朗顿‧班觉先生说，「阿来说，『藏语是个宗教语言』『藏语缺乏表现现代生活的词语』，那是因为他自己的藏文素养不行，而不是藏语本身的问题。」
不过，这部作品，也或多或少地受到了中共殖民者意识形态的束缚，着意刻画下层生活，是《绿松石》隐藏的疼痛。
最后，感谢次多和朗顿‧罗布次仁先生的翻译，使我有幸领略如此不同凡俗的西藏世界。
注：《绿松石》原文为藏文，作者朗顿‧班觉为西藏著名母语作家，出生于上个世纪四十年代。其父朗顿‧贡嘎旺秋（十三世达赖喇嘛的侄儿），曾与热振摄政王一起，总理西藏政教事务。
那是在朗顿‧班觉先生的家里。记忆中，他背对着窗子，坐在木桌前，和一位客人说着话……。我睁睁地看着朗顿‧班觉先生，足有一秒钟：那风吹日晒的古铜色面容，那交织着血丝的双眼，还有粗糙的十指……总之，和我心中的贵族形象，一点也不沾边。不过，那张脸的轮廓，让我猛然联想起十三世达赖喇嘛。
在一个崇尚虚荣的世界里，朗顿‧班觉先生的质朴，像一幅不合时宜的古老的铜版画，却价值连城。直到许多年后，我还忍不住对白牡女士赞叹：「您的弟弟把自己历炼成了一个普通人啊！」
可以想象，当我在远离西藏的北美，发现朗顿‧班觉先生的《绿松石》（注）汉译本时，会怎样急不可待地阅读。当然，让我一口气读完的，不可能全是对朗顿‧班觉先生的好印象，最重要的，还是作品的力量。
题材和体裁的突破
西藏文学的辉煌，是当代人无法想象的。且不说震撼世人的《格萨尔》史诗，但说唐东杰布以来诞生的《朗萨姑娘》、《顿珠顿月》、《白玛文巴》、《诺桑王子》、《苏吉尼玛》等等，其成熟已远远地超越了同时代其它民族的文学作品。后来，多喀儿‧次仁旺杰创作的《勋努达美》、《颇罗鼐传》、《噶伦传》等，又使西藏文学从传奇的神殿，拓展到英雄领域，更贴近现实，由天上来到山上。而朗顿‧班觉先生的《绿松石》，又使西藏文学，深入到山下普通人的世界。平常的、每日的生活，都升华为文学，甚至可以触摸，那种亲切，尤如阅读、省察我们自己的人生。
《绿松石》在结构和技巧上，超越了史诗、戏剧和民间故事等体裁，和中国作家不同的是，作者没有玩弄文字游戏，添加多余的肥料，像一幅西藏民俗风物画，给人以清新、素洁之感。
这部小说中的人物、情节、环境，尤为细腻完整，使传统西藏文学，跃入现代文学领域，和世界文学接轨。朗顿先生的《绿松石》，毫无疑问成了一座桥梁，让我们在传奇和平凡之间，在浪漫和现实之间，传统与现代之间畅通无阻。
语言的突破
从前的西藏文学，更重视修辞，语言婉转、华丽，有如灿烂的星空，尽管美，却遥远。而《绿松石》，不仅在对话中，就是在叙述和歌词中，都采用了直接，更加口语化的表达方式，栩栩如生，有着电影般的立体效应，展现了文学的张力，也展现了作者丰厚的文化底蕴。这种语言上的转换，起着「打车轨」般的先驱作用。
心儿化作佛灯，
供在你的面前。
我要在扎寺弥勒佛前祈祷，
遥祝你别来无恙！
劳累不能吞噬我的躯体，
痛苦却泯灭我心中的明灯。
朴素的文字，总是最感人的，也是有质量的，如同货真价实的好衣服，穿上去总是格外舒服，也格外地不花里花哨。
精神质量
当代中国文学（包括表达西藏内容的汉语创作），更注重文字的精巧和题材的奇异，至于内容，要么，陷入自怨自艾的小圈子不能自拔；要么，打擦边球，扑朔迷离，如同塑料花，再美、再好，却没有魂。而在《绿松石》中，作者几乎从骨髓中流淌出来的慈悲、天然的怜悯和利他的习性，使一切琐屑都变得妙趣横生，因而，使作品有了筋骨和青山，有了精神质量，在西藏文学和中国文学之间，立起了一道分水岭。
尽管作者声明，故事情节纯属虚构，可是，与西藏现实相吻相合：千百年来，藏民族总是把最好的东西献给佛，很多圣湖里，都沉淀着无以数计的珍宝。所以，大风刮来，大浪滔天的时候，从玛旁雍错飘上一枚绿松石，入情入理。拾到绿松石的人，并没有像守财奴一样，把这个罕见的宝物变成自己贫穷生活的安慰，而是历尽磨难，坚持把无价之宝献给觉仁波切，更入情入理。小说处处体现了主人公对佛祖坚定的信心。同时，《绿松石》还不知不觉地，向读者流露了早期西藏社会对知识的崇敬：
「光有漂亮的脸蛋怎么行啊？得识文断字，有学问，这样才能站得稳脚跟呢。」
在中国，广播报纸中每每赞扬其它民族时，只用「能歌善舞」一言以蔽之。然而，这四个字，无疑于漂白粉，曾让我，一个远在中国的汉人，眼前空空如也。后来，当我真正地走进西藏，收集那些从前的民谣时，才发现，我是多么不了解这片雪域大地啊！以歌声为例，不仅在结婚等喜庆的时候，就是挤牛奶，收青稞，打阿嘎土、背水时，也在唱，又唱又跳，那些随口而出的歌词，都是了不起的文学！原来，西藏民族，就是文学和艺术的化身啊！当然，无可否认，今天，剩下的仅仅是废墟了。而《绿松石》，以一条独有的路径，衔接着西藏文学往日的辉煌。
朗顿‧班觉先生出生于十三世达赖喇嘛家族，却如此细腻、娴熟地写出普通人的喜怒哀乐，没有汉语作家的矫情和那种居高临下的「谦卑」，他就是他们中间的一个；尤其在题材和体裁、语言和内涵上的突破，成就了一个文学奇迹。同时，也向世人证明，只要有足够的藏文素养，就不会受到表达的限制。朗顿‧班觉先生说，「阿来说，『藏语是个宗教语言』『藏语缺乏表现现代生活的词语』，那是因为他自己的藏文素养不行，而不是藏语本身的问题。」
不过，这部作品，也或多或少地受到了中共殖民者意识形态的束缚，着意刻画下层生活，是《绿松石》隐藏的疼痛。
最后，感谢次多和朗顿‧罗布次仁先生的翻译，使我有幸领略如此不同凡俗的西藏世界。
注：《绿松石》原文为藏文，作者朗顿‧班觉为西藏著名母语作家，出生于上个世纪四十年代。其父朗顿‧贡嘎旺秋（十三世达赖喇嘛的侄儿），曾与热振摄政王一起，总理西藏政教事务。
惟有这无用的诗，献给洛桑次巴……
1、
这已是第二十三天了.
而在某个日子，读到一首名为《被失踪》的诗，
当即想到的是你。
你是上个月25日的下午，被失踪的。
我惟有落泪、写诗，别无他法。
2、
就像电影需要空镜头，
我的思绪，有时候会在最纷乱的时候，
闪现一些梦幻般的画面：
漫过马蹄的花朵，草原上的黑帐篷，
经幡被微风吹拂，家禽与野兽得以放生，
全都是我在故乡见过的美景，
事实上，此时正值最困难的时候，
比如你，仿佛人间蒸发。
3、
荒谬等于现实，
我成了自身难保的毒药，
而你，竟成了饮鸠蒙难的祭品。
闭眼全是你，
那一年的三月，烽火燃遍雪域，
同胞们把鲜血流尽的抗议者抬回寺院，
供奉于内心的圣殿。
4、
“三月是最残酷的月份。”
说这话的，是位风度儒雅的外媒记者，
有两个三月，他来到藏地，似乎看见了什么。
又似乎，什么也没看见。
但他显然落入那三十六计的圈套之中。
“你说过，‘藏人发出了狼一样的嚎叫’吗？”
尴尬的他，露出了有损骄傲的神情。
5、
阿克【1】次巴，你在哪里？
你是被他们，野蛮地，押回了阿坝老家？
还是被关在黑房间，受尽令人发指的折磨？
我听一位阿克讲述过刑讯逼供的经历，
他被倒吊着，打断了三根肋巴骨，
天气变化，就痛得蜷成一团……
唉，我忘记问他，近日藏东下雪，他是否安好？
但我又能向谁打听，阿克次巴的下落？
6、
“我们生活着，感受不到脚下的国家，
十步之外便听不到我们的谈话……”
这诗句，来自死于斯大林之手的一位良心诗人【2】，
却也是盛世华夏之写照。
深夜，我语无伦次地吐露：
“我不知道有没有用，但我还是说了。
我其实知道，说了也没有用……”
来自“让旺隆巴”【3】 的友人，语调铿锵：
“他们总是要让人以为说话没用。
但我们必须不停止地说！”
7、
我两手空空，
但右手执笔，左手攥着记忆。
此刻，记忆虽愿付诸于笔下，
但字里行间，全是为遭到践踏的尊严
流不尽的泪。
8、
凝视地狱太久，
很有可能会被地狱一点点吃掉。
愿意开条件吗？
如果有条件，说出来听听，
假若换来他的安然无恙。
可我突然想起，一个阴森森的下午，
一个阴森森的鹰犬，恶狠狠地开腔：
“你，能不能，不写西藏？”
9、
不写西藏，那就没有诗了。
正如同，不为西藏，阿克次巴，
就不会被失踪了。
不为西藏，阿克扎白【4】和阿克平措【5】，
就不会自焚了。
而这个名单，可以很长，很长……
而这西藏——
当然，完整的名字是图伯特。
2011/4/4初写，
2011/4/17定稿。
Saturday, April 16, 2011
An Interview with Lobsang Sangay
By Shobhan Saxena, Times of India,
March 20, 2011
Lobsang Sangay, 43, has been on a campaign trail for two months, travelling to Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal and Bhutan. The Harvard law fellow is the frontrunner in the election for the post of kalon tripa , prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile . Sangay got 50% of the votes in the prelimin
ary round and is hopeful of doing well in today's election. He talks politics, spiritual striving and the Dalai Lama to Shobhan Saxena. Excerpts:
The Dalai Lama's announcement he will retire from politics has stunned the Tibetans. What is the significance of his decision ?
In the history of the Dalai Lamas, it's the first time that there is transition from a traditional role to a modern process . Secondly, he really wants to invest in democratic institutions of the Tibetan government in exile , so that the movement can be sustained till freedom is restored in Tibet. Thirdly, he is devolving his power not only to an elected prime minister, but to the people. It's a reversal of the classic democratic process where the movement is bottom-up . In our case, it's coming down from the top. It's a karmic evolution of democracy.
Is he trying to ensure the Chinese aren't able to manipulate a post-Dalai scenario?
He is definitely challenging the Chinese government upfront. They have always criticized him as a religious leader who plays politics. Now he is saying 'I am giving political power to the people and you —the communist party —are holding all the power even though you may not enjoy the mandate of the people' .
But reports from Dharamshala suggest the community is not accepting his resignation.
Who can replace the Dalai Lama? It's a daunting task. Our government is in the name of His Holiness ; the dialogue with China is in his name; many supporters are with us because of him. It's very difficult for the parliament to find a solution to all this in one sitting. The Dalai Lama will always remain our leader.
As per the proposal, the new prime minister will be the political leader of Tibetans. Your plans if you become prime minister?
It's too presumptuous to assume that you will be elected. Anyway, whoever gets elected must take political decisions. He has to be at the front and reflect and represent the political aspirations of the Tibetan people. The next kalon tripa will also have to deal with China.
All three candidates for prime minister are based outside India, seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile . Why?
If you look at the preliminary results, I got an overwhelming number of votes. If you look at the list of candidates, you'll see that the people want the next kalon tripa to be someone who is away from Dharamshala because we had top six or seven candidates having close links with Dharamshala . Now, people are aspiring for change. I got the highest number of votes not because I live in the US but because I am least connected with Dharamshala . On the other hand, the people want to see someone who is rooted in Tibetan tradition, who understands Dharamshala pretty well and, at the same time, has exposure to the West.
Barack Obama ran his presidential campaign as a Washington outsider. Are you running your campaign on similar lines?
Consciously, it's important to run my campaign as a Tibetan who wants to dedicate himself to the Tibetan cause. But, while campaigning, the question I was often asked and sometimes criticized for was not having the experience of working in Dharamshala. I have always replied, 'I am an outsider who understands Dharamshala' . This line seems to have been accepted by the people.
You have been involved in Track II diplomacy with Chinese scholars. Any positive results?
The Chinese are a complex set of people with diverse views. There are hardliners who don't recognize the tragedy of Tibet. There are some liberalminded scholars who understand, yet they are least influential back home because their chances of going to jail are higher than of influencing the Chinese government. There are some serious scholars who want to resolve the issue. At the moment, the hardliners reflect the views of the Chinese government . I have been doing Track II for the past 15 years. I have organized seven major conferences. In 2009, I arranged the Dalai Lama's meeting with 100 scholars from China. That's a breakthrough. The fact that people are talking is itself a positive result.
There is some confusion about what the movement wants. Some people talk of independence , the Dalai Lama wants autonomy...
The confusion is made out to be more than it actually is. Tibet was an independent country and it's entitled to independence and self-determination . But what the Dalai Lama says is that given the reality of China's might, we can negotiate genuine autonomy , which is pragmatic. We have sent nine delegations to Beijing; now some conclude that there is a stalemate. Hence, the younger generation is saying we should go back to our original demand of independence.
Recently the Dalai Lama called himself a son of India. How do describe yourself ?
I have never seen Tibet because China doesn't allow me to go there. Still, I am a proud Tibetan and I will die a proud Tibetan. While I live, I will work for the Tibetan people. But I was born in India. I drank Indian water. I have no hesitation in saying that the Indian government and people have been very generous . For the past 15 years, I have been at Harvard . The exposure that I have now is because of th e university and I am grateful to the US. Once you are born a refugee, it's difficult to say where your home is and our home always will be Tibet, but our second home is India.
You could have become a rich lawyer...
I was born a Tibetan. If I turn my back on Tibet and the Tibetan people, what example am I going to set for the younger generation? I have already decided to dedicate myself to the Tibetan cause.
But many Tibetans want to go abroad. Isn't that an issue within the community?
It's an issue. That's why I stood for this election so that I could set a trend whereby people in the west and even here could say that we all have to return and take ownership of the government. In the present election, the participation of the younger generation is huge. It's a very positive development.
March 20, 2011
Lobsang Sangay, 43, has been on a campaign trail for two months, travelling to Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal and Bhutan. The Harvard law fellow is the frontrunner in the election for the post of kalon tripa , prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile . Sangay got 50% of the votes in the prelimin
ary round and is hopeful of doing well in today's election. He talks politics, spiritual striving and the Dalai Lama to Shobhan Saxena. Excerpts:
The Dalai Lama's announcement he will retire from politics has stunned the Tibetans. What is the significance of his decision ?
In the history of the Dalai Lamas, it's the first time that there is transition from a traditional role to a modern process . Secondly, he really wants to invest in democratic institutions of the Tibetan government in exile , so that the movement can be sustained till freedom is restored in Tibet. Thirdly, he is devolving his power not only to an elected prime minister, but to the people. It's a reversal of the classic democratic process where the movement is bottom-up . In our case, it's coming down from the top. It's a karmic evolution of democracy.
Is he trying to ensure the Chinese aren't able to manipulate a post-Dalai scenario?
He is definitely challenging the Chinese government upfront. They have always criticized him as a religious leader who plays politics. Now he is saying 'I am giving political power to the people and you —the communist party —are holding all the power even though you may not enjoy the mandate of the people' .
But reports from Dharamshala suggest the community is not accepting his resignation.
Who can replace the Dalai Lama? It's a daunting task. Our government is in the name of His Holiness ; the dialogue with China is in his name; many supporters are with us because of him. It's very difficult for the parliament to find a solution to all this in one sitting. The Dalai Lama will always remain our leader.
As per the proposal, the new prime minister will be the political leader of Tibetans. Your plans if you become prime minister?
It's too presumptuous to assume that you will be elected. Anyway, whoever gets elected must take political decisions. He has to be at the front and reflect and represent the political aspirations of the Tibetan people. The next kalon tripa will also have to deal with China.
All three candidates for prime minister are based outside India, seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile . Why?
If you look at the preliminary results, I got an overwhelming number of votes. If you look at the list of candidates, you'll see that the people want the next kalon tripa to be someone who is away from Dharamshala because we had top six or seven candidates having close links with Dharamshala . Now, people are aspiring for change. I got the highest number of votes not because I live in the US but because I am least connected with Dharamshala . On the other hand, the people want to see someone who is rooted in Tibetan tradition, who understands Dharamshala pretty well and, at the same time, has exposure to the West.
Barack Obama ran his presidential campaign as a Washington outsider. Are you running your campaign on similar lines?
Consciously, it's important to run my campaign as a Tibetan who wants to dedicate himself to the Tibetan cause. But, while campaigning, the question I was often asked and sometimes criticized for was not having the experience of working in Dharamshala. I have always replied, 'I am an outsider who understands Dharamshala' . This line seems to have been accepted by the people.
You have been involved in Track II diplomacy with Chinese scholars. Any positive results?
The Chinese are a complex set of people with diverse views. There are hardliners who don't recognize the tragedy of Tibet. There are some liberalminded scholars who understand, yet they are least influential back home because their chances of going to jail are higher than of influencing the Chinese government. There are some serious scholars who want to resolve the issue. At the moment, the hardliners reflect the views of the Chinese government . I have been doing Track II for the past 15 years. I have organized seven major conferences. In 2009, I arranged the Dalai Lama's meeting with 100 scholars from China. That's a breakthrough. The fact that people are talking is itself a positive result.
There is some confusion about what the movement wants. Some people talk of independence , the Dalai Lama wants autonomy...
The confusion is made out to be more than it actually is. Tibet was an independent country and it's entitled to independence and self-determination . But what the Dalai Lama says is that given the reality of China's might, we can negotiate genuine autonomy , which is pragmatic. We have sent nine delegations to Beijing; now some conclude that there is a stalemate. Hence, the younger generation is saying we should go back to our original demand of independence.
Recently the Dalai Lama called himself a son of India. How do describe yourself ?
I have never seen Tibet because China doesn't allow me to go there. Still, I am a proud Tibetan and I will die a proud Tibetan. While I live, I will work for the Tibetan people. But I was born in India. I drank Indian water. I have no hesitation in saying that the Indian government and people have been very generous . For the past 15 years, I have been at Harvard . The exposure that I have now is because of th e university and I am grateful to the US. Once you are born a refugee, it's difficult to say where your home is and our home always will be Tibet, but our second home is India.
You could have become a rich lawyer...
I was born a Tibetan. If I turn my back on Tibet and the Tibetan people, what example am I going to set for the younger generation? I have already decided to dedicate myself to the Tibetan cause.
But many Tibetans want to go abroad. Isn't that an issue within the community?
It's an issue. That's why I stood for this election so that I could set a trend whereby people in the west and even here could say that we all have to return and take ownership of the government. In the present election, the participation of the younger generation is huge. It's a very positive development.
Replaying the Film "Serf" Won't Brainwash Anyone!
By Woeser, March 30, 2011
Translated version orginally published 4/12/2011 at High Peaks Earth: http://www.highpeakspureearth.com/2011/04/replaying-film-serf-wont-brainwash.html.
When the CCP propaganda film “Serf” pompously reappeared on Tibetan TV during the “Serf Liberation Day” celebrations, I felt like I was taken back to my childhood during which I had been forcefully brainwashed by the “red devil”. Indeed, I can only use “red devil” to describe this film and its content: for decades, the self-acclaimed “liberators” and “great benefactors” have in fact slowly swallowed up the entire Tibetan region. Deep hatred made me get up and leave; even though for a writer, this would have been an opportunity to study how those in power are rewriting history, but the harm I have experienced over the years made it impossible for me to endure these blatant lies.
In 2009, the International Campaign for Tibet published a collection of writings by Tibetan writers titled “Like Gold that Fears No Fire: New Writing from Tibet”. The genres ranged from poems, essays, and diary entries to critical art, and commentaries. The central theme is the protests that swept across Tibet in March 2008, but it also features writings about Tibetans being arrested, sentenced and persecuted. In my contribution to the volume I wrote: "After half a century of mandatory brainwashing and education is not that the monasteries have all been destroyed, but that their memories have been erased or altered. Our duty now is to search for, recover and then amend our memories, and even to re-produce our history and reality."
We are deeply worried because looking at the stories about Tibet told by the government discourse and the authoritative system all “introduce” and bend Tibet in a way that it fits with their requirements to then be able to eternally control Tibet. And as for the erasure and transformation of history, the real truth is being covered up, the terror is being concealed, Tibetans have no choice but to remain quiet. The film “Serf”, which represents one method of brainwashing, revered as a “revolutionary classic”, was the first film engaging in the rewriting of Tibetan history.
It not only had a clear and imperceptible influence over later Chinese literary and art works dealing with Tibet, it also profoundly distorted the knowledge about Tibet of several generations of Chinese. But in actual fact, the “narrative” of this film is totally inept. For ideological reasons, it demonises and executes a kind of discriminative “portrayal” of Tibet, Tibetan people and especially of Tibetan religion and culture, whose aim it naturally is to gain justification and rationalise imperialistic power. It attempts to tell people in the form of stories that Tibetan people born into a backwards and uncivilised Tibet, were not happy, and had they not been rescued by the "People's Liberation Army" sent by Chairman Mao, there would not have been any way out.
However, “Serf” is by no means a real film, it just used cinematic methods to conform to the militant and political imperialist forces and ideologies of the time and also to the multi-faceted imperialist agenda of today. Imperialist ideology is important, it is the spiritual weapon to put colonial-style conquering into practice. The CCP’s definition of Tibetan society is “semi-feudal, semi-serf society”, it calls all Tibetans “serfs”, vilifies them on all levels of society, and it summarises Tibetan environment as extremely poor and barren; all this gives the beautiful “rescue” propaganda every justification and makes it appear totally different from former invaders. What is rather ironic, however, is that those actors playing the serfs who were “liberated”, have today become Tibetan Buddhists, which the film so vehemently attacks.
The film “Serf” is in fact just another gun tightly held in the hands of the invaders, only that this gun is already outdated today. As someone who grew up under the influence of “Serf” propaganda, I tweeted that “they are showing the ‘revolutionary film’ ‘Serf’ on Tibetan TV”, and a Twitter friend replied saying: “it is a typical film brainwashing countless stupid pigs, and I also used to be one of them...” Of course, the propaganda by the “red devil” completely fails. No matter how many times they replay “Serf”, it will never explain why in 2008, thousands upon thousands of later generations of the so-called liberated “serfs” took to the streets to raise their voices in protest; it explains even less why not long ago the young monk Phuntsog tried to express his desperate protest by publicly self-immolating.
Woeser is a Tibetan poet and author of the book, Notes on Tibet. She frequently blogs about Tibetan politics and culture and her blogs have been banned by the Chinese Government. Woeser lives in Beijing with her husband, Wang Lixiong, a famous Chinese author and critic of the Chinese Government.
Translated version orginally published 4/12/2011 at High Peaks Earth: http://www.highpeakspureearth.com/2011/04/replaying-film-serf-wont-brainwash.html.
When the CCP propaganda film “Serf” pompously reappeared on Tibetan TV during the “Serf Liberation Day” celebrations, I felt like I was taken back to my childhood during which I had been forcefully brainwashed by the “red devil”. Indeed, I can only use “red devil” to describe this film and its content: for decades, the self-acclaimed “liberators” and “great benefactors” have in fact slowly swallowed up the entire Tibetan region. Deep hatred made me get up and leave; even though for a writer, this would have been an opportunity to study how those in power are rewriting history, but the harm I have experienced over the years made it impossible for me to endure these blatant lies.
In 2009, the International Campaign for Tibet published a collection of writings by Tibetan writers titled “Like Gold that Fears No Fire: New Writing from Tibet”. The genres ranged from poems, essays, and diary entries to critical art, and commentaries. The central theme is the protests that swept across Tibet in March 2008, but it also features writings about Tibetans being arrested, sentenced and persecuted. In my contribution to the volume I wrote: "After half a century of mandatory brainwashing and education is not that the monasteries have all been destroyed, but that their memories have been erased or altered. Our duty now is to search for, recover and then amend our memories, and even to re-produce our history and reality."
We are deeply worried because looking at the stories about Tibet told by the government discourse and the authoritative system all “introduce” and bend Tibet in a way that it fits with their requirements to then be able to eternally control Tibet. And as for the erasure and transformation of history, the real truth is being covered up, the terror is being concealed, Tibetans have no choice but to remain quiet. The film “Serf”, which represents one method of brainwashing, revered as a “revolutionary classic”, was the first film engaging in the rewriting of Tibetan history.
It not only had a clear and imperceptible influence over later Chinese literary and art works dealing with Tibet, it also profoundly distorted the knowledge about Tibet of several generations of Chinese. But in actual fact, the “narrative” of this film is totally inept. For ideological reasons, it demonises and executes a kind of discriminative “portrayal” of Tibet, Tibetan people and especially of Tibetan religion and culture, whose aim it naturally is to gain justification and rationalise imperialistic power. It attempts to tell people in the form of stories that Tibetan people born into a backwards and uncivilised Tibet, were not happy, and had they not been rescued by the "People's Liberation Army" sent by Chairman Mao, there would not have been any way out.
However, “Serf” is by no means a real film, it just used cinematic methods to conform to the militant and political imperialist forces and ideologies of the time and also to the multi-faceted imperialist agenda of today. Imperialist ideology is important, it is the spiritual weapon to put colonial-style conquering into practice. The CCP’s definition of Tibetan society is “semi-feudal, semi-serf society”, it calls all Tibetans “serfs”, vilifies them on all levels of society, and it summarises Tibetan environment as extremely poor and barren; all this gives the beautiful “rescue” propaganda every justification and makes it appear totally different from former invaders. What is rather ironic, however, is that those actors playing the serfs who were “liberated”, have today become Tibetan Buddhists, which the film so vehemently attacks.
The film “Serf” is in fact just another gun tightly held in the hands of the invaders, only that this gun is already outdated today. As someone who grew up under the influence of “Serf” propaganda, I tweeted that “they are showing the ‘revolutionary film’ ‘Serf’ on Tibetan TV”, and a Twitter friend replied saying: “it is a typical film brainwashing countless stupid pigs, and I also used to be one of them...” Of course, the propaganda by the “red devil” completely fails. No matter how many times they replay “Serf”, it will never explain why in 2008, thousands upon thousands of later generations of the so-called liberated “serfs” took to the streets to raise their voices in protest; it explains even less why not long ago the young monk Phuntsog tried to express his desperate protest by publicly self-immolating.
Woeser is a Tibetan poet and author of the book, Notes on Tibet. She frequently blogs about Tibetan politics and culture and her blogs have been banned by the Chinese Government. Woeser lives in Beijing with her husband, Wang Lixiong, a famous Chinese author and critic of the Chinese Government.
玉树藏人说震后一年
文/唯色
玉树地震一年了。胡锦涛在孤儿学校的黑板上许诺“新校园，会有的；新家园，会有的”，其言犹在耳，黑板也早被青海省官员专车护送至省博物馆保存。那么，新校园与新家园呢？
我已经三年多没去过玉树了。在我的记忆中，玉树仍然是夏日繁花盛开的草原上布满各具风采的帐篷，仍然是各个教派的寺院环绕、诸多成就者云集的宝地，仍然有忠诚的獒犬守护着家园，仍然有精美的玛尼石供奉于大地……但我也知道，正如流亡异域多年的达瓦才仁，震后沉痛地写到：“我生长的家乡已经被地震摧毁，我魂牵梦萦的那片放牧草原已经被水库淹没，我要到哪里去寻找我熟悉的家乡？”
来自当地的藏人把玉树的近况向我细说，看来劫后重生非常艰难，天灾与人祸造成双重打击。政府的重建规划蓝图换了一幅又一幅，除了禅古村被当做示范盖了红顶简易房，大多数灾民依然住在帐篷里，过着残缺不全的生活。我得知这一年来，在玉树有几个不准外传的禁忌：一关乎土地和房子；二关乎学校与学生；三关乎法会等佛事。
土地权益如何处置的问题最为突出。震前，一亩土地市场价格几十万，甚至数百万元；而震后，如中国各地土地被官商合力盘剥引发诸多社会问题，玉树也遭“抢地”厄运，一亩土地的补偿价仅为3.5-9.8万元，差距悬殊，无法服众；而准备修盖的房屋，每户面积仅有80平方米，且非原址上重建，而是要迁往远处。当地藏人叹道：当初胡主席和温总理说一定要“让大家有饭吃、有水喝、有住所”，可我们不需要给吃给喝，就把我们原来的土地还给我们吧。
为了争取土地权益，大大小小的请愿一直在发生，或者被驱散，或者被抓捕，官员还带着特警上门，威胁说“天是国家的，地也是国家的”，藏人们反问“那我们是什么？”就在几天前，连续三天三夜，上千藏人聚集在州政府前，举着写有“自己（土）地属于自己”、“还我房地产使（用）权”、“公平公正解决问题”等中文标语请愿，结果夜里被特警连打带抓三四十人。藏人们流着泪说，国家真成了强盗。
我还了解到，目前玉树只有小学，所有的中学生包括地震孤儿8605名迁往诸多省市就学，历时3-5年【注】。家长们希望孩子在本地就学，可以得到藏文化的教育，却被官员警告“不去内地就不准上学”。记得去年震后实行这一规定时，有藏人知识分子如是呼吁：“作为藏文教育的盲区，地震过后玉树的藏文教育将陷入更深的盲区。为挽救损失，多卫康教育界同胞应紧急呼吁社会各界，把从灾区转移的学生送到省内六州去读，千万不能留在西宁或无双语教育的其他地方”，遗憾的是，无济于事。
地震属天灾，虽然诱发地震的因素，包括开矿等对大自然的破坏，以至于造成无数生命被吞噬。然而，官方宣布的死亡人数与民间的统计相差数倍之多，这背后需要掩饰的是什么呢？实际上，当地人都知道，以“游牧民定居工程”、“生态移民”、“社会主义新农村”为名，中饱私囊的官员比比皆是，也因此这些工程都成了“豆腐渣”。同样，在地震时毁损最严重的校舍、课堂，也是类似的“豆腐渣”。
死者已逝，在周年之际，对于幸存者来说，为亡灵举行盛大的超度法会既是传统，也是人之常情，但连这个起码的要求也被禁止，各寺院惟有各自举行法会而不能聚集。或有可能是，当局对于来自多卫康各地的僧侣在震后救援中示现的力量有所忌惮，不愿意僧侣们的影响力引人瞩目。
2011/4/13，北京
四川藏寺继续受警方包围 紧张加剧
记者: 陆杨 | 华盛顿 2011年 4月 14日
西藏喇嘛自焚并遭中国警方殴打
中国军警据报近日封锁了四川省藏区一座寺院，当地居民试图阻止当局带走院内喇嘛，双方发生冲突。这是上个月该寺院一名僧人以自焚抗议中国当局以来，出现的最新一轮紧张局势。
美联社发自北京的报导说，中国武警从星期二开始驻扎格德寺，格德寺又称格尔登寺。这座寺院座落在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县内。
美联社引述印度格德寺僧人洛桑次仁的话说，阿坝格德寺目前有大约2500名僧侣。西藏人权与民主中心说，星期二开始的四川阿坝藏民跟军警的最新这轮冲突，多名藏民被军警打伤，有的伤势严重。
中国境外藏人团体说，当局同时还正在对阿坝格德寺的僧众进行所谓“爱国爱教”教育活动，而作为寺院内学佛的僧众却不能举行任何宗教仪规，并禁止他们举行所有法事活动。
此外，中国海外藏人团体说，军警用土砖将寺院围砌起来，四周有武警包围，寺院内所有门都被上锁。期间，当局不仅抓捕了寺院内的部分僧众，现在还禁止其他僧众外出，外面的信众也不得进入寺院朝拜。海外藏人团体说，当局还以僧侣要外出学习为名，准备将寺院内十八到四十岁的僧人强行迁移到其它地方。当地藏民为了保护寺院内的僧众从4月12日开始便阻挡军队进入寺院，发生冲突。
西藏流亡政府议会议员格桑坚赞在印度达兰萨拉接受美国之音电话采访时表示，按照中国现在这种极左的思维方式，对在国际上造成很大影响的藏区纠纷当局会采取严厉的镇压行动。
格桑坚赞参议员说：“按照中共目前极左的做法，他们不会以宽容的方式结束这场纠纷，而会更加严厉地抓捕里面的他们认定的所谓危险人物。所以我认为，中共一是会镇压下去，但是民众心中的这些气愤，这些不满还是会继续存在。”
西藏流亡议会的格桑议员说，从2008年开始，整个藏区的寺院都在发生类似的抗议，而中共在西藏的暴行是非常普遍的。他说：“整个西藏地方很大，2008年到现在每个寺院都在发生抗议，请愿事件，中共都是以这种方式对待。这些事件在国际上的关注比较低，不像这次影响这么大。所以，中共这种暴行在整个西藏都是非常普遍嘛。”
中国当局对这个星期发生在阿坝县格德寺的事件严格封锁消息。格桑说，他的消息也是来自印度格德寺的一些僧人，这些僧人收集信息，然后向外界发布。
美国之音记者通过拨打四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州公安局电话，希望当局证实外界有关军警打伤当地藏民的说法。但接听电话的警官拒绝评论。
美联社报导，阿坝县党委办公室拒绝承认武警打伤藏民的指控，称当地没有发生过冲突。一名工作人员说，警方只是在阿坝县执行正常巡逻，他们是路过格德寺。这名工作人员还否认军警在寺院外面驻扎，否认有人被打伤。
海外流亡藏人组织说，上个月，阿坝县格德寺20岁喇嘛平措自焚抗议中国当局，成为这轮最新冲突的导火索。
西藏之声报导，美国国务院发言人托纳（Mark Toner）4月14日表示，中国军警干预格德寺的行为，是 “不符合国际认可的宗教自由和人权的原则”。
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4月14日相关新闻
中国警察继续包围四川省一个藏人寺庙。之前，当地居民试图阻止他们逮捕僧侣。
这一僵持局面是这个星期早些时候开始的。当时，几百名生活在四川省阿坝地区的居民聚集在格尔登寺。他们设法阻止警察把僧侣带走去接受再教育。人们认为，在这个被关闭的寺庙里有多大2500名僧侣。他们不久将面临食品短缺，因为他们依靠当地人的捐献而生活。
中国外交部还没有对这一局势发表评论，但是说，北京已经改进了西藏的生活条件。
美国国务院说，它很显然对中国在阿坝地区的行动感到关注。一名发言人说，这种行动不符合国际社会承认的有关宗教自由和人权的原则。
上个月，一名僧侣自我焚烧而死，显然是为了抗议中国在西藏的统治。自从那时以来，格尔登寺周围的局势一直很紧张。三年前，阿坝地区发生反中国政府的暴力起义
西藏喇嘛自焚并遭中国警方殴打
中国军警据报近日封锁了四川省藏区一座寺院，当地居民试图阻止当局带走院内喇嘛，双方发生冲突。这是上个月该寺院一名僧人以自焚抗议中国当局以来，出现的最新一轮紧张局势。
美联社发自北京的报导说，中国武警从星期二开始驻扎格德寺，格德寺又称格尔登寺。这座寺院座落在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县内。
美联社引述印度格德寺僧人洛桑次仁的话说，阿坝格德寺目前有大约2500名僧侣。西藏人权与民主中心说，星期二开始的四川阿坝藏民跟军警的最新这轮冲突，多名藏民被军警打伤，有的伤势严重。
中国境外藏人团体说，当局同时还正在对阿坝格德寺的僧众进行所谓“爱国爱教”教育活动，而作为寺院内学佛的僧众却不能举行任何宗教仪规，并禁止他们举行所有法事活动。
此外，中国海外藏人团体说，军警用土砖将寺院围砌起来，四周有武警包围，寺院内所有门都被上锁。期间，当局不仅抓捕了寺院内的部分僧众，现在还禁止其他僧众外出，外面的信众也不得进入寺院朝拜。海外藏人团体说，当局还以僧侣要外出学习为名，准备将寺院内十八到四十岁的僧人强行迁移到其它地方。当地藏民为了保护寺院内的僧众从4月12日开始便阻挡军队进入寺院，发生冲突。
西藏流亡政府议会议员格桑坚赞在印度达兰萨拉接受美国之音电话采访时表示，按照中国现在这种极左的思维方式，对在国际上造成很大影响的藏区纠纷当局会采取严厉的镇压行动。
格桑坚赞参议员说：“按照中共目前极左的做法，他们不会以宽容的方式结束这场纠纷，而会更加严厉地抓捕里面的他们认定的所谓危险人物。所以我认为，中共一是会镇压下去，但是民众心中的这些气愤，这些不满还是会继续存在。”
西藏流亡议会的格桑议员说，从2008年开始，整个藏区的寺院都在发生类似的抗议，而中共在西藏的暴行是非常普遍的。他说：“整个西藏地方很大，2008年到现在每个寺院都在发生抗议，请愿事件，中共都是以这种方式对待。这些事件在国际上的关注比较低，不像这次影响这么大。所以，中共这种暴行在整个西藏都是非常普遍嘛。”
中国当局对这个星期发生在阿坝县格德寺的事件严格封锁消息。格桑说，他的消息也是来自印度格德寺的一些僧人，这些僧人收集信息，然后向外界发布。
美国之音记者通过拨打四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州公安局电话，希望当局证实外界有关军警打伤当地藏民的说法。但接听电话的警官拒绝评论。
美联社报导，阿坝县党委办公室拒绝承认武警打伤藏民的指控，称当地没有发生过冲突。一名工作人员说，警方只是在阿坝县执行正常巡逻，他们是路过格德寺。这名工作人员还否认军警在寺院外面驻扎，否认有人被打伤。
海外流亡藏人组织说，上个月，阿坝县格德寺20岁喇嘛平措自焚抗议中国当局，成为这轮最新冲突的导火索。
西藏之声报导，美国国务院发言人托纳（Mark Toner）4月14日表示，中国军警干预格德寺的行为，是 “不符合国际认可的宗教自由和人权的原则”。
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4月14日相关新闻
中国警察继续包围四川省一个藏人寺庙。之前，当地居民试图阻止他们逮捕僧侣。
这一僵持局面是这个星期早些时候开始的。当时，几百名生活在四川省阿坝地区的居民聚集在格尔登寺。他们设法阻止警察把僧侣带走去接受再教育。人们认为，在这个被关闭的寺庙里有多大2500名僧侣。他们不久将面临食品短缺，因为他们依靠当地人的捐献而生活。
中国外交部还没有对这一局势发表评论，但是说，北京已经改进了西藏的生活条件。
美国国务院说，它很显然对中国在阿坝地区的行动感到关注。一名发言人说，这种行动不符合国际社会承认的有关宗教自由和人权的原则。
上个月，一名僧侣自我焚烧而死，显然是为了抗议中国在西藏的统治。自从那时以来，格尔登寺周围的局势一直很紧张。三年前，阿坝地区发生反中国政府的暴力起义
西藏流亡政府要求中国警方停止包围格尔登寺
位于印度达兰萨拉的西藏流亡政府要求中国警方停止对四川阿坝藏族自治州阿坝县格尔登寺的包围。今年3月16日，格尔登寺的一名藏人僧侣为纪念2008年"3·14"拉萨事件中的遇难者以及抗议北京的西藏政策自焚身亡。4月12日，警方和当地民众以及寺院僧侣发生冲突，警察包围了格尔登寺，并将多名喇嘛殴打致伤。据自由亚洲电台报道，西藏流亡政府一名发言人说：“中国政府应该学习去理解藏人的诉求。”在达兰萨拉的一位僧侣说，周三晚间很多藏人在格尔登寺门前过夜，因为“中国的军队计划把所有的僧侣从寺庙里赶出去”。他说：“我们现在不知道军队有没有已经这样做。”
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